At the origins of the Soviet deportation policy: the evictions of white Cossacks and large landowners (1918-1925)
Deportation operations in the USSR
There is an opinion that the Soviet authorities started such activities as deportations only in the 1930s. In fact, the regulations suggesting deportation date back to the very first months and years of Bolshevik rule, when the Civil War was still in full swing - or was dying out. Moreover, deportation policy and practice Soviet Union She did not grow up in a vacuum, she had a very solid background behind her.
Numerous and, it may seem, even chaotic forced displacements of millions of Soviet people had the most serious demographic and economic consequences both for the regions of arrival and departure, and for the country as a whole. They also had their own historical and even geographical logic, not to mention the organizational logistics and infrastructure, as a rule, concentrated under the auspices of the OGPU-NKVD-MVD. Only in the 1920s and during the years of collectivization was the center for the formation of deportation policy shifted towards the Central Committee of the Communist Party ("Andreev's Commission", etc.). As a rule, decisions on deportation, even the smallest in terms of quantity, were made at the very top, in the center, but at certain moments, for example, during the Civil or Great Patriotic Wars, the level of decision-making could drop - to the regional or even military -territorial level (military districts or even fronts).
The main unit, one might even say, a cell, of the deportation policy of the USSR was deportation operations. In this concept, we invest the eviction of a strictly fixed contingent of people, carried out within a fixed time frame and on a fixed territory, by force (with the direct use of force) or forced (under the threat of its use) in a way and according to a previously developed scenario or plan. As a rule, this scenario is formalized in official normative acts of state or party instances (laws and decrees, directives and resolutions, orders and orders, etc.).
The deportation operation may include both various internal stages (for example, the so-called "first echelons", that is, the deportation of the bulk of the contingent, and subsequent actions to additionally identify or search for persons not covered by the first wave or evading deportation), and some related actions that do not require physical contact with the deported contingent, but being integral part operations as a political instrument (for example, administrative-territorial and toponymic repressions or, say, measures for its rehabilitation and repatriation).
The totality of isolated individual operations often lends itself to semantic grouping according to various substantive features, but primarily on the basis of the contingent: for example, all deportations of kulaks at different times or all deportations of Germans, etc. Such groupings, in essence, are parts of a single operation more high level However, since they consist of two or more single deportation operations, they themselves need a term, and as such we propose "deportation campaign". By it, we understand a kind of end-to-end unity of single deportation operations, united by the commonality of the deported contingent, but often separated in time, as well as in space. classic examples deportation campaigns "kulak exile" or "preventive deportation of Soviet Germans", carried out, respectively, in 1930-1934 and 1941-1942, each consisting of a whole series of deportation operations and stretching for a total of long years and months.
This approach allows us to better see the deep semantic unity of the deportation policy and the general domestic policy of the Soviet state. As a rule, certain "political operations" or "political campaigns" of their time (such as dispossession, repatriation, etc.) correlate well with groups of single deportation operations, summarized in a through deportation campaign.
The data we had allowed us to identify at least 53 cross-cutting deportation campaigns and about 130 operations. The following is a list of deportation campaigns as we see it today:
I. Deportation of Cossacks from the Terechye (1920);
II. Deportations of kulak-Cossacks from Semirechye (1921);
III. Deportation of humanitarians ("Philosophical ships", 1922);
IV. Deportation of former landlords and landowners (1924-1925);
V. Cleansing of the western borders: Finns and Poles (1929-1930);
VI. Clearing the Eastern Frontiers: Koreans (1930-1931);
VII. Kulak exile (1930-1936);
VIII. Relocation to the construction sites of communism (1932);
IX. Hungry migration of the Kazakhs (1933);
X. Cleansing the Western Frontiers: Poles and Germans (1935-1936);
XI. Cleansing the southern borders: Kurds around the entire perimeter (1937);
XII. Cleansing the Eastern Frontiers: The Total Deportation of Koreans, etc. (1937);
XIII. Cleansing the Southern Borders: Foreign-Subjected Jews and Iranians (1938);
XIV. Sovietization and Cleansing of the New Western Frontiers: Former Polish and Other Foreign Citizens (1940);
XV. Clearing the northern borders: Murmansk region (1940);
XVI. Sovietization and cleansing of the northwestern and southwestern borders: the Baltic states, Western Ukraine, Western Belarus, Moldova (1941);
XVII. Preventive deportations from regions of the RSFSR declared under martial law (1941);
XVIII. Preventive deportations of Soviet Germans and Finns (1941-1942);
XIX. Deportations of the "Labour Army" (1942-1943);
XX.Deportations of retreat: from the Crimea and the North Caucasus (spring-summer 1942);
XXI.Total deportation of Karachays (08-11.1943);
XXII. Total deportation of Kalmyks (12.1943 - 06.1944);
XXIII. Total deportation of Chechens and Ingush (02-03.1944);
XXIV. Total deportation of the Balkars (03-05.1944);
XXV. Clearing Tbilisi: internal Georgian deportation of "parasites" from among the Kurds and Azerbaijanis (03/25/1944);
XXVI. Deportation of OUN members and members of their families (1944 - 1948);
XXVII. Total deportation Crimean Tatars and other peoples of the Crimea (05-07.1944);
XXVIII. Return deportations of Poles to the European part of the USSR (05-09.1944);
XXIX. Deportation of the population from the front line (06.1944);
XXX. Deportations of collaborators and family members (06.1944-01.1945);
XXXI. "Punished confessions": deportations "True Orthodox Christians" (07.1944);
XXXII. Total deportations of Meskhetian Turks, as well as Kurds, Khemshins, Lazians, and others from South Georgia (11.1944);
XXXIII. Forced repatriation of various contingents (1944 - 1946);
XXXIV. Internment and deportation of the German civilian population from the occupied countries of Europe (1944 - 1945, 1947);
XXXV. Deportation of repatriated Finns from Leningrad and the Leningrad region (02-03.1948);
XXXVI. Secondary deportation of contingents previously deported from the European part of the USSR to Siberia and Kazakhstan (03.1948);
XXXVII. Deportation of "bandits and gang accomplices from kulaks" from Lithuania (05/22/1948);
XXXVIII. Deportation of Greeks and Armenians-"Dashnaks" from the Black Sea coast (06.1948);
XXXIX. Deportation of "parasites-specifiers" (06.1948);
XL. Deportation of Kurds from the detachment of M. Barzani from Azerbaijan (08.1948);
XLI. Deportation of "bandits and gang accomplices" from the kulaks from the Izmail region. (10.1948);
XLII. Deportation of "bandits and gang accomplices" from the kulaks from the Baltic states (01/29/1949);
XLIII. Deportation of "Dashnak" Armenians, Turks and Greeks with Turkish, Greek and Soviet citizenship or without citizenship from the Black Sea coast and from Transcaucasia (05-06.1949);
XLIV. Deportation of "bandits and gang accomplices" from kulaks from Moldova (06-07.1949);
XLV. Deportation of kulaks and those accused of banditry from the Pskov region (01.1950);
XLVI. Deportation of Iranians without USSR citizenship from Georgia (03.1950);
XLVII. Deportation of former Basmachi from Tajikistan (08.1950);
XLVIII. Deportation of "Andersovites" and members of their families (not earlier than 02.1951);
XLIX. "Punished denominations": deportation of followers of the sect "Jehovah's Witnesses" from Moldova (04.1951);
L. Deportation of kulaks from areas annexed in 1939-1940 (10-12.1951);
L.I. Deportation of "anti-Soviet elements" (Greeks) from Georgia (12.1951);
LII. Deportation of kulaks from Western Belarus (03-05.1952);
III. "Punished Confessions": Deportation of the "Innocentians" and Adventist Reformers (03.1952).
If the distribution of deportation operations in chronology is both in principle and practically possible (despite the blurring of some important dates), then the same distribution of through deportation operations is practically impossible, since individual political campaigns were carried out in parallel, and some of them (for example, collectivization or repatriation) often last for several years.
Summary quantitative indicators of Soviet deportations, in the context of characteristic periods, are presented in Table 1:
Table 1 Scales of forced migrations in the USSR in 1920-1952
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Characteristic periods |
Number of deportees |
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Internal |
External* |
Total |
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(thousands of people) |
(thousands of people) |
(thousands of people) |
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Sources: Polyan, 2001; Polyan, 2002.
* Excluding deportations of Soviet citizens carried out by Germany
**Including conditional assessment for campaigns II and III.
After forced migration during the First World War became an everyday tool of domestic policy in Russia, it was difficult to expect that the new government would abandon them as an educational and coercive method. Against this background, the first real attempts of the Soviet authorities in the genre of deportations seem all the more timid - decossackization in the Terek region and Semirechye, "accommodation" in the North Caucasus and the Volga region. No, the rigidity of the new government was not to occupy (executions royal family, hostages, the introduction of prisons and "special purpose" camps speak for themselves), but in cases where one should just say goodbye to opponents, the voluntary emigration of political opponents was probably considered a more acceptable option for getting rid of them: expulsion served as an additional means , as was the case with the "philosophical steamboats".
During the second half of the 1920s, forced migration as such was practically not encountered - it was a time of intensive experiments with planned resettlement.
Such a "simple" was more than compensated for in the first two years of the next decade - the years of collectivization and kulak exile: these two years accounted for 35% of the number of internal deportees to the USSR (the first timid experiments with clearing the borders took place in the same years, but they literally dissolved in the flood of kulak exile). Taking into account the regional waves of collectivization that took place in subsequent years, the total share of collectivization in internal deportations in the USSR can be estimated at more than 40%. For the first time, the internal catastrophe of the USSR - the Holodomor of 1932-1933 - led to a surge in forced migrations outside the USSR (starvation migration of Kazakhs).
Beginning in 1935, the problem of deportation cleansing of most of the perimeter of the Soviet borders became a political issue. After the annexations of 1939-1940, the borders changed, and in the west they had to be cleared again. Deportations of this type dominated until June 22, 1941, and accounted for at least 10% of the total number of those resettled within the country.
The war, of course, changed all the accents. The problem of preventive deportation of unreliable persons came to the fore, as during the First World War, since the recording and monitoring of the latter was well established in the USSR. After two months of fighting political aspect unreliability was replaced by an ethnic one, and the main target of the deportation operations of 1941-1942 were all Soviet Germans as the titular nationality of the aggressor country, to which Finns were added in 1942. The Germans and Finns of working age were deported again, as they formed the backbone of the "Trudarmia" formed in the winter of 1942. Soviet Romanians and Hungarians lived on the western outskirts and by this time were already out of reach of the Kremlin, and the number of Italians in the USSR was negligible: nevertheless, everyone who was still possible was also deported, like Germans or Finns, but, as a rule, , not in advance, but immediately before the retreat (in particular, from the Crimea).
November 1943 marks the beginning of campaigns for the total deportation of the so-called "punished peoples": by the spring of 1944, operations in the North Caucasus (Karachais, Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingush and Balkars) were completed, followed by a series of total deportations from the Crimea and again the North Caucasus (primarily Crimean Tatars and Greeks). Note that at the same time, the first deportation operations began against family members of the OUN (from the Organization Ukrainian nationalists), as well as various contingents of collaborators in the North Caucasus. In addition, for the first time, a confessional community, in particular, the sect of "True Orthodox Christians" became the object of deportation). At the end of 1944, a number of operations were carried out in the Transcaucasus, including the total deportation of the Meskhetian Turks (planned for an earlier date).
All this time, internal deportations practically dominated, but the turning point occurred at the end of the same 1944, when the systematic mass repatriation of Soviet citizens began. It was carried out both from the territories liberated by the Red Army, and in the order of receipt of contingents from the allies or from defeated opponents, as in the case of the Ingrian Finns, the Germans and Finns evacuated to Finland. In less than 15 months, starting from mid-October 1944, the Soviet authorities repatriated almost 5.3 million people - a fantastic achievement in terms of its intensity of manufacturability. But at the same time, other deportation actions were carried out, including international ones, such as the deportation of German foreign civilians from the countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe (by analogy with Ostarbeiters, they can be called "Westarbeiters").
In 1946-1947, all fading, continued repatriation. Internal deportation campaigns were not carried out until the end of 1947 - the beginning of 1948. Having begun, they amounted to two streams: the territorial redistribution of the previously deported and the continuation of the policy of deportation cleansing of various border zones, but mainly - not without difficulty Sovietized territories in the west of the country. The main contingents at that time were "OUN", "kulaks", "bandits and gang accomplices", "anti-Soviet elements", "Dashnaks" and "Basmachis"; a completely new contingent was made up of "parasites", as well as an additional number of repressed denominations ("Jehovah's Witnesses", "Innocentians", Advenist reformers).
Our calculations showed that only internal deportations, that is, those that did not spill over all the expanding borders Soviet state reached at least 5.9 million people. Approximately the same number (about 6 million) of those deported are accounted for by external, or international migrations. Thus, during the years of Soviet power, the number of forced migrants amounted to about 12 million people, and taking into account compensatory migrants - about 14.5 million people.
Deportations and the Civil War in the Terek region (1918-1920)
The Northern Caucasus became a spontaneous testing ground for the first Soviet deportations, which was largely predetermined by the clearly defined tough confrontation between the "White" Cossacks, peasants and Ossetians allied to them, on the one hand, and the "Red Cossacks" along with the Vainakh landless poor, on the other: The Vainakhs, thanks to an alliance with the Bolsheviks, expected to redistribute the lands in their favor. The naivety of this calculation was manifested much later, in 1944, when they themselves were completely and completely deported, but at first everything developed precisely according to the Vainakh scenario.
With the fall in 1917 of the central imperial power in the space from Sunzha to Sulak between the Ingush and Chechens, on the one hand, and the Cossacks (often together with the Ossetians "allied" to them), on the other, a stubborn and multi-blooded geopolitical struggle ensued and played out. Whatever the main actors of the Civil War in the North Caucasus - whether the Terek-Cossack government of G. Bicherakhov, or the Mountain government of T. Chermoev-G. Kotseva, whether the Red or White Army, or even the emirate of Uzun-Khadzhi, the Vainakh-Cossack confrontation has always been one of the main springs civil war in the Terek region.
The attacking side this time was the Vainakhs, who cherished a kind of revenge for the defeat of Shamil and sought to oust the Sunzha, Terek and Grebensky Cossacks from the common area of \u200b\u200bresidence.
The prologue to the forced resettlement of the Cossacks were raids on their villages. Perhaps the first "move" of the highlanders was the destruction by the Ingush of the village of Feldmarshalskaya in November 1917. In January 1918, another aggravation of Cossack-Ingush relations led to the actual capture and robbery by the Ingush of the right-bank part of Vladikavkaz, and in March fighting between the Ossetians from Olginsky and the Ingush from Bazorkino ended in a pogrom by the Ingush of the Ossetian village of Batakoyurt.
Similar "moves" were made by the Chechens somewhat to the east: back in 1917, they began systematic and ruinous raids on German colonies, Russian economies, farms, villages, settlements, and even railway stations Khasavyurt and adjacent districts. As a result of the attacks on December 29 and 30, 1917, the villages of Kakhanovskaya and Ilyinskaya were completely ruined and burned to the ground. In January 1918, the settlement of Khasavyurt itself suffered the same fate, and in September 1919, the village of Alexandria.
It is clear that neither the German colonists, nor the Russian peasants, nor even the Cossacks who were accustomed to fighting with them, had any comfort from living together with the highlanders, but there was a powerful desire to spit on everything and leave. Any cultivation of this desire became the strategy of "de-Russification" of the region, which both instinctively and consciously - playing on the contradictions between the Cossacks and the Soviet authorities - was carried out by the highlanders.
The decisive and fatal events for the Cossacks took place in 1918.
In February 1918, in Mozdok, under the chairmanship of the Ossetian engineer Georgy Fedorovich Bicherakhov (formerly a Menshevik), the first Cossack-peasant congress of the Terek region was held. In March 1918, Soviet power was established on the Terek, and in April-May, the Congress of Soviets of the Terek Region was held in Vladikavkaz. This congress adopted the first deportation solution of a political problem after the revolution: four villages were subject to planned resettlement - Tarskaya, Sunzhenskaya, Vorontsovo-Dashkovskaya and Field Marshalskaya. Cossack villages and lands related to them were transferred to the Ingush poor.
The Second Congress of Soviets of the Terek Region, held in Mozdok from July 3 to 6, announced the creation of the Provisional Terek People's Government, that is, raised a de facto rebellion against the Bolsheviks. The army assembled by Bicherakhov numbered 12 thousand bayonets, but was distinguished by extremely weak discipline.
Back in June 1918, the Bicherakhov Cossacks exchanged "courtesies" with the Ingush, attacking the village of Bartabos (the Ingush, in turn, attacked the village of Tarskaya). In August, the Bicherakhites openly opposed the Soviet regime: on August 10, 1918, the Cossack detachment of Colonel Sokolov, together with the Ossetians, attacked Vladikavkaz and drove the Bolsheviks out of there, after which they began to rob the Ingush - in the city itself and in nearby farms. Militarily, this raid was pure gamble. After eight days of fighting, the city was taken a second time by the Bolsheviks and their allied Ingush: executions of Cossack officers and pogroms began - this time Ossetian.
The ordinary Cossacks had to pay dearly for this defeat: even before the capture of Vladikavkaz, the Ingush, under the leadership of Vassan-Girey Dzhabagiev, destroyed the Tara farm and surrounded the villages of Sunzhenskaya, Tarskaya and Akki-Yurtovskaya (Vorontsovo-Dashkovskaya). The villages were presented with an ultimatum to surrender their weapons and to move out (within two days!) beyond the Terek. In exchange for guarantees of personal and property inviolability, the villages accepted him, and their eviction beyond the Terek (to Mozdok, as well as to Arkhonskaya, Ardonskaya and some other villages) soon became a fait accompli. In total, 1781 families, or 10255 people, were subject to resettlement. At the same time, the Cossack lands were left without compensation, while compensation - in the amount of 120 million rubles - was subject only to buildings, inventory, livestock and the harvest of 1918.
The legal basis for the deportation was the decisions of the 3rd Regional Congress of the Terek Region and the Grozny People's Court. At the end of 1918, a Commission for the resettlement of Cossack villages was created under the Council of People's Commissars, designed to deal, among other things, with " ... by informing the property left to the Ingush" .
The villagers of Tarskaya, denying their participation in the capture of Vladikavkaz and at the same time exhausted from robberies and murders, themselves turned in early December 1918 to the 5th Congress of the Peoples of the Terek with a request to relocate them to one of the sections of the Pyatigorsk department. As for Field Marshalskaya, in November-December 1918, her village circle turned to the Terek People's Congress with a similar request - "... relocate the village, root it somewhere forever, because we have not had our own shelter since February 16, 1917. Since the day of the pogrom of the village of Feldmarshalskaya, we have been in need of clothes, underwear, shoes and living quarters, we are placed in apartments in the villages : Nesterovskaya, Assinovskaya, Troitskaya, Olginskaya, Mikhailovskaya and other places ... Crops were seized from us with the land ..." .
It is indicative (albeit striking) that the neighboring villages (Karabulakhskaya, Sleptsovskaya) did nothing to help the Cossacks from the evicted villages. This gave the contemporary the right to bitterly assert that from now on " ... the Cossacks are powerless, that there are no Cossacks, but there are separate villages" .
Only Ossetians opposed the Cossack exile: for example, on December 5, 1918, at the 5th Congress of the Peoples of the Terek, their delegate S. Takoev spoke out strongly against the proposal of the Ingush to "destroy the striped strips", that is, the further eviction of the Cossacks: " Is it really necessary to deprive other laboring grain growers of the land in order to reward them with land?.. What is the fault of the working Cossack population that they were settled here, even if for strategic purposes? , has some ulterior motive" .
In a report delivered on September 25 at the Extraordinary Cossack-Peasant Congress in Mozdok, Grigory Abramovich Vertepov, a member of the Terek government, tried to formulate this "back thought". He drew attention to that - historical and even geopolitical - logic and consistency, which is visible in the attacks of the highlanders (and especially the Ingush) on Russian peasants and Cossacks. After the revolution, the Ingush, who had never heard of geopolitics, showed an incredible, in their own way ingenious social and geopolitical flair: " Ingushetia, which did not have its own statehood, but which stands at the magic key that unlocks and closes the doors of the Caucasus, turned its attention to this key. This key is the city of Vladikavkaz. And so, "in order to firmly master it," the Vladikavkaz line was stretched. Whoever owns Vladikavkaz owns the Terek region.<…>The approaches to this key against the Ingush were fenced off by the Cossack villages and they had to be removed. The implementation of the law on the socialization of the land was necessary for the Ingush to destroy the striped crops not on agricultural soil, but on political soil. The Ingush always took into account the importance of having access to Vladikavkaz: when the Galashevsky village was resettled, the Ingush immediately rented this land from the Army and settled a number of farms there. On the other side of Vladikavkaz, in the Long Valley, they settled the farm "Long Valley". From the beginning of the revolution, the Ingush intensively began to disturb the Tara and Sunzhenskaya villages in order to prevent them from a peaceful life, and thus force them to leave. Further, given the importance of this, the Ingush were the first to occupy the Ossetian side of the Georgian Military Highway. When the Vladikavkaz operation showed that the Cossacks were powerless, that there were no Cossacks, but there were separate villages, then the Ingush decided that the moment had come to open their way to the magic key - Vladikavkaz. This is the reason for the eviction of three villages. This is how the plan of liberation from the influence of Russian culture is carried out, and, with the fall of Sunzha, the influence on Vladikavkaz was destroyed. …" . Or, as G. Bicherakhov noted at the same congress: " The Ingush supported the Bolsheviks in order to fulfill their national task of destroying the striped strips and strengthening their power in the rounded territory with their help." .
On January 24, 1919, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) - already at the all-Russian level - adopted the Directive on decossackization, one of the methods of which was forced resettlement. Back in March 1919, the head of the Department of Civil Administration of the Donburo S.I. Syrtsov demanded that all male Cossacks from 18 to 55 years old be sent to forced labor in the Voronezh province and other regions. At the same time it was planned - and even carried out! - forced resettlement of peasants from Central Russia to the Don: in April 1919 in Don region the first 700 settlers arrived from the Tver, Cherepovets and Olonets provinces, apparently exterminated by the White Cossacks.
The accession in February 1919 of the White Terek (for a whole year) allowed the expelled Cossacks to return in July 1919 to their native and abandoned villages.
But already in March 1920, in connection with the final defeat of the Whites in the North Caucasus, the Bolsheviks gladly returned to the policy of decossackization and deportation of the Cossacks, which found a staunch supporter in the person of S. Ordzhonikidze. As a sign of "gratitude" for the support of the highlanders in the fight against Volunteer army, the Caucasian Bureau of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in Moscow decided to allocate land to the highlanders, "without stopping before the eviction of the villages." At the same time, the Commission for the Resettlement of Cossacks was created, similar to the Commission for the Resettlement of Cossack Villages of the 1918 Model.
The first to be evicted in response to protests against the Soviet regime could not but be all the same Terek Cossacks. On April 17, 1920, all the inhabitants of the three lowland villages - Sunzhenskaya, Vorontsovo-Dashkovskaya and Tarskaya (and also, apparently, the Tara farm) - were evicted again, referring to the verdicts of 1918. In fact, one should also add here the inhabitants of the village of Feldmarshalskaya, who retained their rights to the land, but in fact did not return to it after the pogrom.
This deportation was carried out, at the insistence of S. Ordzhonikidze, in an accelerated manner. To search for land plots in the Pyatigorsk department (in areas Mineralnye Vody and along the Kuma and Podkumok rivers), the Vladikavkaz Revolutionary Committee sent a special commission. The Cossacks, who, out of fear of starvation, asked for permission to harvest the winter crops of 1920 and stay for another year for sowing, harvesting spring crops and preparing for the move, this was decisively denied, as, for example, to the villagers of Zakan-Yurtovskaya or Tarskaya. The circumstances of this deportation led the inhabitants of those areas where they were moved into considerable anti-Soviet excitement.
Interestingly, not only white Cossacks, but also Red Cossacks were subjected to repressions: out of 9,000 deported families, only 1,500, or one in six, were considered as "truly counter-revolutionary" .
In September 1920, having learned from the operational report about the occupation of the village of Nesterovskaya by white gangs with the active support of the villagers, Ordzhonikidze ordered Nesterovskaya and evicted each next rebel village. In October 1920, by order of G.K. Ordzhonikidze (member of the Revolutionary Military Council Caucasian Front), the same fate - "eviction by military order" - befell the inhabitants of five other rebel villages - Yermolovskaya, Romanovskaya, Samashkinskaya, Mikhailovskaya and Kalinovskaya. They were evicted to the Donbass and to the North of the European part (in particular, to Arkhangelsk region), and not all, but only men and women aged 18 to 50 years (the rest were also resettled, but probably a little later and relatively close - to farms and other villages within a radius of no closer than 50 km from their former place of residence). In total, in the fall of 1920, about 9 thousand families (or approximately 45 thousand people) were also evicted. The unauthorized return of the evicted Cossacks was suppressed.
The vacated land fund (about 98 thousand acres of arable land) was transferred to the mountainous Ingush and Chechen poor, which only partly contributed to the resettlement of the “landless highlanders” to the plain. At the same time, the settlement of the highlanders was not as swift and decisive as the eviction of the Cossacks.
The fact that the main political goal was not to punish the Cossacks, but to encourage the highlanders is evidenced by Stalin's telegram to Lenin on the situation in the North Caucasus dated October 30, 1920: " Five villages were evicted by military order. The recent uprising of the Cossacks gave a suitable occasion and facilitated the eviction, the land was placed at the disposal of the Chechens ..." .
This kind of "land reform" made the highlanders - for a long time, but not forever - the mainstay of the regime in the region. Regime, but not order, since after the eviction of the Cossacks in the district, banditry increased sharply. In addition, this did not in any way prevent some of them (primarily those living in the mountains themselves) for many years to come, with enviable regularity, uprisings and rebellions against the Soviet regime.
As a result, the once compact area of Russians living in the Caucasus was completely torn apart. Later, the Cossack districts themselves (Sunzhensky, Kazachy, Zelenchuksky and Ardonsky) were liquidated as administrative units, and in order to relieve tension between Ossetians and Ingush, both peoples were united as part of the Mountain Republic, proclaimed in November 1920 and formed on April 16, 1921.
It is noteworthy that even then, in the very first Soviet deportations, toponymic repressions were already in use. If the village was not destroyed, but simply sent away, then it was given the status of an aul and a new name was given. For example, in the Nazran district: the village of Sunzhenskaya was renamed the village of Akki-Yurt, Vorontsovsko-Dashkovskaya - to Tauzen-Yurt, Tarskaya - to Angusht, Tarsky farm - to Sholkhi, Field Marshal's - to Alkhast (according to the Chechen district: the village of Mikhailovskaya was renamed the village Aslanbek, Samashkinskaya - to Samashki, Romanovskaya - to Zakan-Yurt, Yermolovskaya - to Alkhan-Yurt).
Decossackization and deportation of Cossacks in Semirechye
In the spring and summer of the hungry 1921 - in the course of the land management reform, which was actually carried out under the slogan of combating "kulak chauvinism" and eliminating unequal relations between the newcomer European and the indigenous population (the former were considered as historical "offenders" of the latter), - the eviction of wealthy Russian peasants took place - Cossacks from Semirechye. The latter settled in the Semirechensk, Syr-Darya, Fergana and Samarkand regions relatively recently - in 1906-1912, during the Stolypin agrarian reform, when 438 thousand families were resettled in Turkestan. In Semirechie they founded about 300 peasant and Cossack settlements, often practicing self-capture of the best lands.
The resolutions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) of June 29 and December 5, 1920 on this issue provided for a system of expulsion and even sending kulaks to concentration camps"punitive order", but still not on a contingent, but on an individual basis.
The initiator of this entire campaign, G.I. Safarov, was Stalin's co-rapporteur on the national question at the Tenth Congress of the RCP(b), held in March 1921: speaking of land reform in Turkestan, he proudly mentioned the expulsion of entire kulak settlements. The first documented deportation took place on April 16, 1921 from the village. Vysokoye of the Chimkent district of the Syr-Darya region: the corresponding "commission for stratification ( Sic! - Auth.) "expelled then more than 20 families. They were deported, as a rule, outside the Turkestan region, officially for some reason to the Kaluga province, where, of course, at that time no one could reach.
Despite the thousands of kilometers separating Pryterechye from Semirechye, there is one significant commonality between the deportations in both regions: both of them were directed against the compact areas of settlement of the Cossacks - the least loyal part of the Soviet government. Russian population, moreover, living on the two southern outskirts of the state and well-versed in all types of personal weapons.
Expulsions abroad and deportation of landlords and landowners (1922-1925)
No less strangers to the new government were intellectuals and intellectuals who did not hide their inner freedom and obviously, almost organically incapable of solving any political tasks that fluctuate with the course of the party and the fulfillment of social orders.
This is the political meaning of the next deportation, which took place in the autumn of 1922. Then two steamships, later nicknamed " philosophical", brought from Petrograd to Germany (Stettin) about 50 outstanding Russian humanitarians (together with members of their families - about 115 people). This was the first Soviet history an example of collective (though not contingent) mass international forced migration.
Apparently, the Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee "On Administrative Expulsion" of August 10, 1922 was applied to the passengers of these ships, which provided for three types of expulsion from a given area as an alternative to arrest measures of isolation: to certain areas of the RSFSR and c) expulsion abroad. The term of expulsion is in the range from 2 months to 3 years. The decision to deport was made on an individual basis, and those deported to the RSFSR came under the supervision of the local GPU body, which determined the specific place of residence of the deportee (where he had to register every three days). According to an addendum to this decree issued in October of the same year, a special commission under the NKVD was given the right not only to expel certain categories of citizens (in particular, members of anti-Soviet political parties), but also to imprison them in forced labor camps for the same periods.
The next campaign - to evict landlords and landowners - unfolded in the mid-1920s. The initiator of this kind of "mini-collectivization" was the People's Commissar for Agriculture Smirnov, who issued Circular No. 370/166 on May 31, 1924, ordering the eviction of all former landowners and large landowners from their former estates. At the same time, the implementation of this circular clearly encountered considerable difficulties, as a result of which, on November 28, 1924, Smirnov sent out a new circular (No. work towards the completion of the 1925 harvest.
This second circular defined the following parameters for deportation. It was carried out in an administrative manner and without any costs or compensation from the government. Formally, they were subject to eviction - " all large landlords and large landowners who use the land in their former estates individually or as part of artels, who have not formalized their rights". In the event that such rights were nevertheless formalized ("by hook or by crook", as stated in the circular), then such clever people still had to be evicted from their former estates. How? - but very simply, according to Soviet: " using all the means at your disposal". The lands and buildings remaining after the deportation were taken into account by the Departments of the State Property and used in accordance with subsequent directives of the People's Commissariat of Agriculture.
But after all, the former serfs of the former landowners, the peasants, also owned the land! This has been taken into account: The eviction should not apply to peasants who acquired land in pre-revolutionary times through the former Peasant Land Bank with installment payment and according to the norms of the Charter of this bank, who currently use land according to the labor norm". At the same time, those from the peasant farms are subject to eviction, " ... which, in terms of their size and means of exploitation, was similar to the landlord economy, which themselves did not work on the land and did not win the benevolent attitude of the peasants"(This is a" failure to win a benevolent attitude" of envious people - flowers from the same legal field as the previously mentioned "truths and untruths" or "all means"!). However, the noble Narkomzem left a loophole for the "landowners": " In exceptional cases, when the farm of the former landowner is of great agricultural value and does not exceed the size of demonstration labor farms allowed in the given area, and the owner himself has completely broken with his past and enjoys the sympathy of the surrounding peasants, he can be left, but every time with special order of the People's Commissariat of Agriculture" .
No other repressions were envisaged for the evicted, except for confiscation and actual eviction. Moreover, they were recognized the right to allocate land in places of settlement, but with observance of a certain class distance in this matter: if the evicted kulaks had the right to claim land allotment in any other province, except their own, then the landlords - not in all, but only in those provinces where there were no estates at all (essentially, this meant Siberia). So, the socially distant exploiters from the "former" (landowners) and from the "new" ones (kulaks) were not put on the same level: just in case, a boundary was drawn between them during "dispossession".
The circular was proposed for steady execution and provided for monthly reports from the places on the eviction of the landlords, which we have not yet met in the archives. In the spring of 1925, the described policy of the People's Commissariat of Agriculture was reinforced by the authority of the Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, which issued the corresponding Decree on March 25, 1925 - "On the deprivation of former landowners from land use and living in farms that belonged to them before the October Socialist Revolution." But the following statistics speak well of the extremely low effectiveness of the measures taken: of the 33 farms of the former landowners of the Terek District scheduled for eviction to Siberia, among which only one "enjoyed the sympathy of the peasants", only one (the same) was recognized as cultural and two more semi-cultural, in In reality, 10 farms were evicted, and in relation to 22 others, the eviction decisions were canceled. At the same time, in neighboring Dagestan, 58 former landowners were evicted, from whom up to 50,000 hectares of land and inventory worth 1.5 million rubles were confiscated.
The question of the eviction of "former landowners" in the mid-1920s is one of those practically unexplored, perhaps because of its statistical insignificance. However, as a historical phenomenon, this eviction in the highest degree symptomatic - including the time of its implementation: the kulaks were given to understand that the "new economic policy" was not eternal. In addition, this eviction was by no means regional, but, apparently, all-Union in nature. In particular, it was recorded in Dagestan, as well as in the ASSR of the Volga Germans, where it was held in 1926.
Information about other forced migrations in the 1920s, and especially for their first half, is more than sketchy. As a rule, they were local, intra-regional in nature. For example, it is known that part of the population mountain Jewish auls in Dagestan and Azerbaijan were forcibly "lowered" to Derbent and Cuba, which began an active process of displacement Armenian population from Tiflis, etc.
We have no other information about deportations or forced resettlements in the USSR in the 1920s, up to the beginning of collectivization.
LITERATURE:
- Aliyeva S. U. (Comp.) So it was: National repressions in the USSR 1919-1952: Art.-doc. Sat / In 3 vols. - M .: Insan, 1993. - T. 1. 337 p.; T. 2. 336 p.; T. 3. 352 p.
- Bugai N.F. On the deportations of Iranians from Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan // Vostok. 1994. No. 6. S. 146-154.
- Bugai N. F., Gonov A. M. The Caucasus: peoples in echelons (20-60s). - M.: Insan, 1998. - 368 p.
- Genis V. L. Deportation of Russians from Turkestan in 1921 (“The Safarov Case”) // Questions of History. 1998. No. 1. S. 44-58.
- Zaitsev EA (Comp.) Collection of legislative and normative acts on repressions and rehabilitation of victims of political repressions. - M.: Respublika, 1993. - 224 p.
- Kurbanov M.R., Kurbanov Zh.M. Dagestan: deportations and repressions. Tragedy and lessons.
- Makhachkala: State Unitary Enterprise "Dagestan book publishing house", 2001. - 280 p.
- Polyan P.M. Unwillingly. History and geography of forced migrations in the USSR. M., 2001. - 328 p.
- Congresses of the peoples of the Terek. T.2. Ordzhonikidze, 1978.
- Tsutsiev A. A. The Ossetian-Ingush conflict (1992-...): its background and factors of development / Historical and sociological essay. - M.: Rosspen, 1998. - 200 p.
- Martin T. The Origin of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing // The Journal of Modern History. - Vol.70. - No.4. - December 1998. - P.812-861.
1 - However, the poorest Ossetians (the "Kermen" party) also joined them.
2 - This pogrom, however, was preceded by the return in mid-July 1917 to their homeland of a demoralized and disorganized mass of soldiers from the fronts of the First World War, mainly Russians, and the Ingush pogrom perpetrated by it on July 6-7 in Vladikavkaz. This led to clashes between the Ingush and the Cossacks of the villages of Karabulakskaya, Troitskaya and Sleptsovskaya in August 1917 and the conclusion of a "truce" between them on September 15. (Tsutsiev, 1998, p. 49)
3 - Tsutsiev, 1998, p.49.
4 - In particular, to the Cossack farms around the village of Kakhanovskaya (Biryulkin, Bolgarsky and Dry Polyana), the villages of Novogeorgievskoye, Vladimirovskoye, Kolyubakinskoye and the settlements of Vedenskaya and Vozdvizhenskaya (see the appeal of the Terek Cossack Army Ataman Lieutenant General Vdovenko to Denikin dated 12.10. 1919 - GARF, F. 446. Op. 2. D. 15. L. 174-176).
5 - Before the revolution in the Khasavyurt district, there were 249 settlements with 69 thousand people. population, and after the revolution - 178 settlements with 32 thousand people. (Kurbanov, Kurbanov, 2001, p. 45).
6 - Tsutsiev, 1998, pp. 49-50.
7 - Hereinafter, when referring to the White Guard sources of the date - according to the old style (unless otherwise specified).
8 - This government, consisting of 8 people - three Cossacks (Bukanovskiy, G.I. Vertepov and Zvyagin), four representatives of the cities (Orlov, Semenov, Polyukhin and Merkhalev) and another Ossetian (Temirkhanov) - lasted until November 1918. (GARF. F.5351. Op.1. D.26. L.94).
9 - Tsutsiev, 1998, p.49.
10 - Colonels Sokolov, Danilchenko and Belikov (who was from January to April 1918 the commandant of Vladikavkaz with dictatorial powers) were even put on trial for the unpreparedness of the operation.
11 - Under a similar threat, as is clear from the speech of G. Bicherakhov, were also the villages of Arkhonskaya and Ardonskaya (GARF. F.5351. Op.1. D.26. L.87-88).
12 - GARF. F.446. Op.2.D.31.L.193
13 - GARF. F.470. Op.2. D.247. L.56.
14 - GARF. F.446. Op.2.D.31.L.193. See also: Bugai, 1994, pp. 40-41, with reference to: RGASPI, f.85, op.6, d.41, l.28: "From the materials of the 5th session of the Congress of Labor Cossacks of the Terek Republic." According to the special regional commission, all the damage suffered by the Cossacks was even more than 200 million rubles. (Bugay, 1994, pp. 42-43, with reference to: CGA RSO. F.R-3. Op.1.D.3. L.86). However, in connection with the capture of Vladikavkaz by the Whites on February 2, 1919, the issue of compensation for the inhabitants of the plundered villages disappeared.
15 - In this context, the 1920 deportation (see below) was not at all a new or more "legitimate" operation: it was, in fact, a "second edition" of the 1918 deportation.
16 - Its chairman was a certain comrade Alton (SARF. F.470. Op.2. D.247. L.56).
17 - The number of those killed alone, starting from 1914, amounted to 118 people in the village. (Bugai, 1994, pp. 42-43, with reference to: CGA RSO. F.R-3. Op.1.D.3. L.77-78).
18 - Bugai, 1994, p. 41, with reference to: TsGA RSO. F.R-3. Op.1.E.3. L.75.
19 - Member of the Provisional Terek People's Government, later its representative in the Kuban.
20 - See: Congresses of the peoples of the Terek. T.2. Ordzhonikidze, 1978. pp. 238-239. Objecting to the destruction of the striped strip with the Cossacks, the Ossetian faction proposed instead "... to destroy the administrative division and merge into one administrative unit with Ossetia."
21 - GARF. F.5351. Op.1. D.26. L.26-27.
22 - GARF. F.5351. Op.1. D.26. L.86. Wed in Semenov’s speech at the same congress: “The eviction of Khasav-Yurt is the beginning of the survival of the Russian population from the North Caucasus, and then it was the turn of the cities.<…>In order to stop the influence of Russian culture, it is necessary to evict the cities as well, and you see how the destruction of cities begins. Look at Grozny - there is not a single whole house there, look at Vladikavkaz - it is a dead city. Molokanskaya, Kurskaya sloboda - these centers of Bolshevism, with the departure of the Tarts and Sunzhen people, saw that they would have to leave, and now they are thinking: somewhere is the place where to go. We have Ingush and Chechens in front of us, but Turkey stands behind them.<…>Now everyone who can must fight the Bolsheviks. We are all brothers of the Sunzhen people. The trouble came to them earlier, to us later. When the Tarts passed through the whole city, then from Shaldon to the Molokan settlement, the townspeople stood like trellises, who saw and felt that this one was not cowards, but sufferers. Sunzha was evicted not because the flat Ingushetia suffers from lack of land. This is not true. Take the figures and you will see that if anyone suffers from a lack of land, this is flat Ossetia. The reason was that Ingushetia wanted to round off its territory, dreaming of creating an independent state, not connected with Russia. And just look at the cleverness with which a small nationality of 60,000 fools the 250,000 Cossacks and the 300,000 peasantry. When they are evicted, the Red Army Bolsheviks go ahead and destroy their own. "(ibid., l.29-33).
31 - Bugai, 1994, p.50, with reference to: TsGASA. F.193. Op.1. d.18. L.5.
32 - Bugai, 1994, pp. 47-48, with references to the message of the commander of the Caucasian Labor Army I. Kosior (RGASPI. F. 85. Op. 11. D. 123. L. 6) and protocol No. 16 of the meeting of the Executive Committee of the Terek Region (TsGA RNO. F.36. Op.1. d.14. L.25).
33 - Bugai, 1994, p. 50, with reference to: TsGA RSO. F.R-36. Op.1. 46. L.37. We have no information about whether this order was carried out.
34 - See: Bugay, 1994, p.51, with references to letters from Ordzhonikidze Piven dated 23.30.1920 and Stalin to Lenin (RGASPI. F.17. Op.112. d.93. L. 35; full text of the corresponding order was published in the journal "Vostok", 1992, No. 2, pp. 123-124). Regarding the village of Kalinovskaya: it is possible that this refers to the village of Kokhanovskaya, destroyed by the Ingush on December 30, 1917 (see: Tsutsiev, 1998, p. 180 and Bugay, 1994a, p. 53, with reference to: TsGA RNO. F.R- 36. Op.1, file 53, sheet 111a, b, c and D.51, sheet 106).
35 - S. Aliyeva gives a figure of 70 thousand Cossacks deported to Kazakhstan and the Urals (Aliev, 1993, v. 1, p. 27, with reference to the publication of Nezavisimaya Gazeta dated 12.05.1991). At the same time, attempts to interpret the Cossack deportations as an integral part of the Bolshevik policy of "solving the Russian question" in the Caucasus, as "Russophobia" and almost as "genocide of the Russian people" (see, for example, Bugai, Gonov, 1998, p. 81 -103) are incorrect and illegal. Despite this, they are widely used for openly chauvinistic provocations, which is not only regrettable, but also dangerous.
36 - See: Bugay, 1994, p.50-55.
37 - Formally also to the Red Cossacks, but their participation in this booty was insignificant.
38 - See: Bugay, 1994, p.51, with reference to (RGASPI. F.17. Op.112. d.93. L. 35). Wed ibid: "... The materials I have collected also indicate that the Cossacks must be separated from the Terek region into a separate province, because the cohabitation of the Cossacks and the mountaineers in one administrative unit turned out to be harmful, dangerous. The mountaineers themselves will have to be united into one administrative unit in the form of an autonomous Mountain Republic on the basis of the Bashkir autonomy (Chechens, Kabardians, Ossetians, Ingush Balkars)".
39 - See a report dated August 1922 on mass robberies and robberies in the Sunzha district by Chechens and Ingush (Bugay, 1994, p. 54, with reference to: RSA RSO. F.R-41, Op.1, D144 , L.89-90v.).
40 - According to the order of the Central Executive Committee of the Mountainous Republic of 04/25/1922 (Tsutsiev, 1998, p. 180). It is interesting that the very concept of a village, which the Bolsheviks (for example, the Kotelnikovsky district on the Don) wanted to abolish along with the word "Cossack" and wearing lampas, was "under attack": it took no less than a telegram from Lenin himself (Bugai , 1994a, p.47, with reference to: GARF, F.393, Op.11, D.338, L.4).
41 - See: Genis, 1998, pp. 44-58. See also: Martin, 1998, p.827, with references to the GARF materials (F.3316, op.64, d.177 and 220; F.1235, op.140, d.127).
42 - 09/28/1922 sailed and 09/30/1922 sailed the steamer "Oberburgomaster Haken" with scientists from Moscow and Kazan (30 or 33 people, with family members - about 70), and on 11/15/1922 sailed and sailed on 11/18/1922 the steamer "Prussia" "with scientists from Petrograd (17 people, with family members - 44). All the deportees were arrested beforehand, their apartments were searched.
43 - It is the highly personalized nature of this deportation that puts it somewhat outside the main series of deportations considered in this paper.
44 - See: Zaitsev, 1993, pp. 104-106. With regard to expulsion and exile by court, the actions of convicts and administrative bodies were regulated by a special post. All-Russian Central Executive Committee and Council of People's Commissars of 01/10/1930 (see ibid., pp. 106-107)
45 - GASK, f.217, op.1, d.1, ll.1, 51 (thanks to V. Beltran for help in finding these materials).
46 - According to other sources - 03/20/1925 (Kurbanov, Kurbanov, 2001, p. 45).
47 - GASK, f.217, op.1, d.64, l.7-13.
48 - In addition, according to the decree of the Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the DASSR dated February 23, 1926, about 7 thousand acres of waqf lands were transferred to landless and landless peasants (Kurbanov, Kurbanov, 2001, p. 45).
49 - Particularly in PhD thesis N.A. Malova "Migration processes in the German autonomy on the Volga in 1918-1941", defended at the Faculty of History of the Saratov State University 20.09.2001. See the report of N.A. Troitsky about this work in: Russian Germans. Scientific information bulletin. - 2001, July - September. - Issue. 3(27). - P.23.
Task 4 No. 287. Write the missing word.
One of the trends in literature and art of the 18th century, characterized by an appeal to the ancient heritage as a model, is called ________.
Task 4 No. 560.
The money paid by former serfs and appanage peasants under the terms of the Peasant Reform of 1861 in installments for 49 years to pay off a loan provided by the state to former owners as a ransom for allotment land is called ________.
Task 4 No. 677. Write the missing word.
The agreement between the landowner and the peasant community, which established the size of the allotment and the duty for using it under the reform of 1861, is called ___________________.
Task 4 No. 833. Write the missing word.
The new principle of the court under the reform of 1864, which implied the presence of a prosecutor and a lawyer at the court, was called the __________ court.
Task 4 No. 872. Write the missing word.
The association of the rulers of the leading European powers, created after the Napoleonic wars to maintain peace in Europe, strengthen the monarchical system and suppress revolutionary uprisings, was called _______.
Task 4 No. 950. Write the missing concept (term).
State peasants, transferred to the conditional ownership of private individuals to work at their enterprises, were called ______________.
Task 4 No. 1067. Write the missing word.
The industrial revolution in Russia in the 19th century. characterized by the transition from _____________________ to the factory.
Task 4 No. 1146. Write the missing word.
An important process in the history of Russia, characterized by the terms "autocracy", "unlimited monarchy", "centralization of power and control", is called the formation and development of _____________.
Task 4 No. 1280. Write the missing word.
Artists who left the Academy of Arts in protest began to be called __________ from 1870.
Task 4 No. 1436. Write down the term in question.
“The general name of representatives of Russian social thought in the middle of the 19th century, who believed that Russia was developing according to the same laws as Europe, that Peter I saved the country from disintegration, and that bourgeois reforms were needed to renew Russia.”
Task 4 No. 2328. Write the missing word.
The agreement between the landowner and the peasant, which established the size of the allotment and the duty for using it under the reform of 1861, is called _________.
Task 4 No. 3370. Write the missing concept (term).
Undertaken in the spring of 1874, "___________________" was colorful and heterogeneous: some went to the village to "rebel" it; others - to prepare for the revolution through propaganda.
Task 4 No. 3410.
G. V. Plekhanov and his like-minded people founded the _____________________ group in Geneva, the main business of which was the propaganda of the ideas of Marxism.
Task 4 No. 3650. Write the missing word.
In the course of the monetary reform of E.F. Kankrin, the main unit of circulation was the ___________________ ruble, which gave stability to the monetary rate.
Task 4 No. 3770. Write the missing phrase.
"____________________", appointed by the Senate from among the local landowners, were supposed to regulate and control redemption transactions, draw up charter letters.
Task 4 No. 3850. Write the missing phrase.
One of the most important events of the first years of the reign of Catherine II was the convocation of ________________, whose deputies were representatives of all segments of the population, except for serfs and the clergy.
Task 4 No. 3890. Write the missing phrase.
"_______________" by P. I. Pestel, which became the program of the Southern Society, was an order to the Provisional Government, which was supposed to put into practice the main provisions of this document.
Task 4 No. 4090. Write the missing phrase.
Published by Peter I_________________, establishing fundamentally new criteria for serviceability, provided an opportunity to replenish the nobility with talented people from other social groups.
Task 4 No. 4170. Write the missing phrase.
In order to create a union of European states against Ottoman Empire _______________ was sent to Europe, headed by F. Ya. Lefort, F. A. Golovin, P. B. Voznitsyn.
Task 4 No. 4649. Write the missing word.
Created according to the Western model by Peter I, the central state institutions, between which the main branches of government were divided, were called _________.
Task 4 No. 4735. Write the missing word.
Collection of laws adopted in the XV century. and who played a big role in the centralization of the Russian state and the creation of a system of all-Russian law, was called _______________.
Task 4 No. 4775. Write the missing word.
The direction of social thought that arose during the reign of Nicholas I, the main provisions of which was the return of Russia to the ideals of pre-Petrine Russia, the restoration of the monarchy, based on the deliberative Zemsky Sobor, is called ________________.
Task 4 No. 4815.
Forced resettlement of peasant families with a strong economy, declared kulaks, to remote regions of the USSR with the transfer of their farms to newly created collective farms, carried out in 1929-1933. within the framework of the general policy of collectivization and industrialization of the national economy of the USSR.
Task 4 No. 4855. Write the term you are talking about.
“Members of the faction created in April 1906 by a group of deputies I State Duma from peasants and intellectuals of the populist direction.
Task 4 No. 4895. Specify the term in question.
« Executive in Russia, appointed to resolve disputes and complaints that arose between peasants and landowners during the implementation of the Provisions on February 19, 1861.
Task 4 No. 4935. Specify the term in question.
"Parts of the allotments that were in use by the peasants, transferred under the Peasant Reform of 1861 to the landowners."
Task 4 No. 4975. Write down the missing term.
In 1556, on the initiative The chosen one is glad for the period of hostilities, ________________ was limited - the system of distribution of posts that existed in the Russian state, depending on the nobility of the clan.
Task 4 No. 5160. Write the missing word.
An important process in the history of Russia, characterized by the concepts of “reserved years”, “lesson years”, “unlimited search for fugitive peasants”, is called ______________ peasants.
Task 4 No. 5441. Write the missing word.
The first paper money in Russia, introduced under Catherine II and in circulation until the reign of Nicholas I, was called _______________.
Task 4 No. 5577. Write the missing word.
______________ - the trading estate in Russia, divided depending on the size of the trading capital at the end of the 18th-19th centuries. three guilds.
Task 4 No. 5617. Write the missing word.
The domestic policy of Ivan the Terrible, carried out in 1565–1572, characterized by terror against different segments of the population and aimed at strengthening royal power is called ______________.
Task 4 No. 5657. Specify the term in question.
Meetings-balls in the houses of the nobility with the participation of women, introduced and regulated by Peter I.
Task 4 No. 5697. Specify the term in question.
Temporary departure of peasants in Russia from their places of permanent residence in the villages to work in areas of developed industry and agriculture.
Task 4 No. 5943. At the beginning of the XX century. a number of peoples of the Russian Empire fought for ___________________ as part of Russia - self-government, the right to independently resolve internal issues by any part of the state. At the turn of the XIX and XX centuries. Finland had such a right as part of Russia.
Task 4 No. 6013.
Introduced in 1804, the independence of the higher educational institution in the selection and placement of personnel, the implementation in accordance with the charter of the educational, scientific activity called university ___________.
Task 4 No. 6053. Write down the term you are talking about.
The process of seizure by the state of land from church property, which ended in the reign of Catherine II with the signing of a special Manifesto and the transfer of church estates from the ecclesiastical college to the college of economy.
20-50s: forced migrations of peoples
N. BUGAY,
doctor of historical sciences, professor
It is an indisputable fact that deportations are not a product of a socialist society. In world history, there are many examples of forced migration of peoples, carried out for various reasons.
The Soviet state in its national policy, it would seem, from the first days, proceeded from the general developed installation: any measure that violates equality or the rights of a national minority is illegal and invalid - and any citizen of the state has the right to demand the abolition of such an event as illegal and criminal punishment for those who carried out him into life. However, this proclaimed right was already forgotten in the first year of Soviet power, and it was not remembered in subsequent years. Moreover, a complex of contradictions, including in the sphere of national relations, grew, tightening into a tight knot.
In the 1920s, under the conditions, on the one hand, of rapid national-state and administrative-territorial construction, such negative phenomena, as the resettlement of peoples, in particular, Armenians from the capital of Georgia - Tbilisi, Aleuts - from the Commander and Karaginsky Islands, partially Koreans from Primorye, etc.
The subsequent stage of resettlement falls on the end of the 20s - 30s and was associated with the ongoing policy of collectivization. Judging by the documents of the bodies in charge of the implementation of these actions, and primarily the OGPU, the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR, all peoples suffered seriously, but, of course, the Russian people were especially damaged.
The extraordinary methods often resorted to by the administrative-command apparatus during collectivization and other campaigns had a particular effect on the deterioration of the life of the peasantry and exacerbated the situation. In the winter of 1930, 2,200 peasant uprisings took place in the USSR. They ended with retaliatory repressive measures. Only from the regions of the North Caucasus, including Dagestan, more than 50 thousand peasants (Zemskov V.N. Special settlers) followed the documents of the NKVD (Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR) in the group of the first category for settlement in remote places (Sociological research, 1990, No. 11. S. 3). They were forcibly relocated from their original places of residence (with sending to a special settlement) in 1930-1931. 381026 families with a total number of 1803329 people. (according to other sources, by the end of 1932 there were 383,334 families in the special settlement).
As the documents of the OGPU testify, Soviet society was not as unanimous as Stalin wanted it to be. There were reactionary, and conservative, and simply inert forces that offered active and passive resistance to one or another political course, in particular, to the functioning administrative-command system. In the sphere of socio-political activity, they were like those who supported the existing political course, and others - who resisted him, as well as the philistine mass, mistaken, restless, simply undisciplined and degraded people.
Gradually, a wave of repression seized the whole country. Many political figures, military leaders, organizers of nation-state construction, the intelligentsia, etc. were subjected to it. They forcibly moved to remote places in the camps designated for this, replenished the contingent of resettled people already present there.
Comprehensive analysis of national policy measures on the eve and during the Great Patriotic War allows us to more specifically identify these processes. The military situation created conditions for the open action of the opposing forces. The existing social contradictions in the development of society in the 20-30s, including in the sphere of interethnic relations, manifested themselves with particular force. They were associated, first of all, with mass coercion, iron discipline, violation of the elementary foundations of democracy, and disregard for the constitutional rights of the peoples of the USSR. The peoples remembered the repressions of the second half of the 1930s, which affected almost all ethnic groups.
Further strengthening opposing side occurred due to such phenomena as desertion from the ranks of the Red Army and evasion from military service. Many of them became political gangsters. During the three years of the war (June 1941-1943), the number of deserters in the USSR amounted to 1,210,224 people, and those who evaded service in the Red Army - 456,667 people. Total - 1666891 people. (GARF.F.R-9478.0p.1.D.377.L.8-15).
However, not all of them, as the documents say, joined the rebel groups that opposed the Soviets and the Communists during the war years and destabilized the situation in the rear. According to the department for combating banditry, which functioned in the structure of the NKVD of the USSR, during the three years of the war (June 1941-1943), 7163 rebel groups were liquidated in the USSR, uniting 54130 people in their ranks. Of these, 963 groups (17563 people) accounted for the North Caucasus.
Starting from the second half of the 1930s and until the end of the 1950s, deportations of groups of the population and entire peoples were carried out continuously and affected almost all the Union republics. True, some of them were taken to the settlement deported peoples while others refused to accept them.
The operation itself began after the decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, followed by Decrees of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, orders of the NKVD of the USSR. With the advent of an extraordinary supreme body during the war - the State Defense Committee (GKO), endowed with full power, i.e. from June 30, 1941, much of the legislative activity passed to him. The documents of the so-called "Stalin's Special Folder" are full of resolutions of the Committee.
The resolution stated the purpose of the action being taken, noted the quantitative characteristics of the contingents subjected to deportation, indicated not only the services, but also those personally responsible for the resettlement operation, the necessary funds and material resources for this.
Here, for example, is GKO resolution No. 5894, marked "Top Secret" dated July 2, 1944, on the deportation of Bulgarians, Greeks, and Armenians from the Crimean ASSR. The document determined not only the size of the contingent, but also the places where these peoples had to be delivered. The appointed persons responsible for the execution of the action were indicated, a set of tasks was determined for those republics, territories and regions where the contingents were resettled.
The first paragraph of the said decision read:
"To oblige the NKVD of the USSR (comrade Beria), in addition to the eviction by GKO decree N 5859 of May 11, 1944, of the Crimean Tatars to evict 37,000 German accomplices from among the Bulgarians, Greeks and Armenians from the territory of the Crimean ASSR. The eviction should be carried out from July 1 to July 5 this year .
The Bulgarians, Greeks and Armenians evicted from the Crimea should be sent for resettlement in agriculture, in subsidiary farms and at industrial enterprises of the following regions and republics: Guryev region of the Kazakh SSR - 7000 people, Sverdlovsk region. - 10000 people, Molotov region, - 10000 people, Kemerovo region. - 6000 people. Bashkir ASSR - 4000 people. Oblige the NKPS (comrade Kaganovich) to organize the transportation of special settlers from the Crimea by specially formed echelons according to a schedule drawn up jointly with the NKVD of the USSR. Oblige the secretaries of the regional committees of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the chairmen of the regional executive committees, as well as the people's commissars, whose households accept special settlers, to take measures for the reception and resettlement of special settlers.
The issuance of food to special settlers during July-September (1944 - N.B.) should be carried out free of charge in the calculation of agricultural products accepted from them in places of eviction. I. Stalin (RTSKHIDNI.F.644.0p.1.D.26.L.64-68)
Similar in content were other decisions of the State Defense Committee, adopted in relation to the deported contingent. Resettlement operations plans were developed in advance. All issues were coordinated by the NKVD of the USSR with the local people's commissars of the NKVD and departments.
Resettlement operations were given code names. For example, the resettlement of Kalmyks was carried out under the code name "Ulus", the resettlement from the Baltic republics - under the code name "Spring", etc. The necessary transport, railway echelons, cars, etc. were allocated. For the resettlement of Chechens and Ingush alone, 14,000 freight wagons and more than 1,000 platforms, 1,200 Studebaker vehicles, etc. were provided. Special paramilitary units, convoys, medical care, etc. were allocated. 100,000 soldiers and 19,000 officers took part in the said operation to evict Chechens and Ingush, and 24,000 soldiers took part in the eviction of Karachais. To help the troops of the NKVD was involved personnel other army units.
The discovery of documents kept under the heading "secret" makes it possible to document the quantitative characteristics of the contingents of deported peoples, which until recently were little known even to those who were subjected to these inhumane actions.
Forced resettlement of Russians began immediately after October revolution. Already in 1918, the Cossacks were subjected to this measure. According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR, as of January 1953, the number of adult special settlers (17 years and older) was 1810140 people .. of them: Russians - 56589 people. In 1955, 644 True Orthodox Christians, who had been expelled back in July 1944 from the Oryol, Ryazan and Voronezh regions, remained in the special resettlement. As of January 1958, according to the data of the 4th Special Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR, 145,968 people remained in the special settlement, of which 1,759 were Russians. (See Bugay N.F. 20-40th goals: deportation of the population from the territory of European Russia) (Otechestvennaya istoriya.1992, N 4).
The eviction of the Poles began in 1936 on the basis of a decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, 15 thousand German and Polish families (45,000 people) followed to the Kazakh SSR, of which; more than 35 thousand are Poles. By the spring of 1941, 107,332 settlers had already been resettled (Poles - 88,645 people). In total, 139,596 settlers were resettled, who settled in 21 territories and regions, in 115 special settlements.
By the time of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of July 12, 1941 on the amnesty of former Polish citizens on the territory of the USSR there were persons who had Polish citizenship until November 1-2, 1939. - 389382 people, of which were in prisons, camps and places of exile - 120962 people, special settlers - 243106 people, military personnel - 25314 people. As of December 1943, 257,660 former Polish citizens with children lived on the territory of the USSR. (GARF.F.R.-9479.0p.1.D.178.L.ZZ-34; D.61L.34-39).
The final data on the deportation of Koreans from the regions of the Far East were set out in a letter from the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR N. Yezhov addressed to A. Molotov on October 29, 1937. Based on the joint decisions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the SNK of the USSR, adopted starting from August 1937, 171,781 citizens of Korean nationality were sent to the Kazakh and Uzbek SSR, to the Astrakhan district of the Stalingrad region. Then the contingent of the deportees was replenished with those who were from the army. from camps in the western regions of the USSR. In total, about 175,000 Koreans were deported. (GARF.F.R.5446.0p.2D.48.L.17).
Deported from the border regions of the Azerbaijan SSR by decision of the Politburo of January 19, 1938 (Protocol N 56 (308) and resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR N 1084-296 of October 8, 1938, 2,000 families of Iranian citizens (6,000 people) who obtained Soviet citizenship Their resettlement was carried out from October 15, 1938. The total cost of resettlement amounted to 3,371,000 rubles.The operation was entrusted to the Council of People's Commissars and the NKVD of the Azerbaijan SSR.
The operation to resettle the Volga Germans from the republic ended on September 20, 1941. It was carried out on the basis of the decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. 438280 people were subject to resettlement. (according to other sources, about 450,000 people) From Moscow and the Moscow region - 8640 people. (September 15, 1941), from the Saratov region. -46706 people (September 18, 1941), from the Stalingrad region. - 26245 people (September 12, 1941). from the Rostov region - 38282 people (September 18, 1941), to the Novosibirsk region. 1964 people, in the Altai Territory - 2437 people, the rest - in the South Kazakhstan, Dzhambul and Kzyl-Orda regions of the Kazakh SSR; from the Kuibyshev region - H560 people, from the Kabardino-Balkarian ASSR - 3573 people, from the North Ossetian ASSR - 2115 people, from the Stavropol (Ordzho-Nikidzevsky) Territory - 95489 people, as of October 15, 1941, 77570 people were resettled. From the Krasnodar Territory - 40630 people. resettled on September 15, 1941 - 38136 people, in the Novosibirsk region. - 7468 people, the rest - in other areas.
From Georgian SSR 23580 people (through Baku, Krasnovodsk", from the Azerbaijan SSR - 22841 people, from the Stalin region of the Ukrainian SSR - 212 people to the Pavlodar region. from the Gorky region - 2544 people. A total of 872578 people were to be resettled. Germans. It was resettled on October 15 1941 -749613 people From the Germans, working battalion columns were created.They included those Germans who were not subject to deportation, i.e., living in the eastern regions of the country.More than 118 thousand Germans were employed in the work columns and battalions. (GARF.F.R.-479.0p.1.D.83.L.43 etc.).
By Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR N333-1 22 secretly dated February 15, 1948, the Germans from the Kaliningrad region were resettled, of which 25,000 people in March-April, and 37,000 in August-October. (GARF.F.5446.0p.52.D.3916.L. 27-29).
INGRIMANLANDS (Soviet Finns)
The deportation of the Finns was carried out on the basis of resolution N 00713 of the Military Council of the Leningrad Front. The Finns moved to the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Krasnoyarsk Territory and Irkutsk Region. The resettlement of the Finns, which was carried out in the early 40s, was not completed, since on August 29, 1941, railway communication with Leningrad in all directions was already terminated. Only a part of the Finns were resettled. The implementation of the decision of the military council of the front replenished the contingent of Finns in the eastern regions by 3,300 families (9,000 people) and totaled more than 12 thousand people.
KARACHAYS
They were deported on the basis of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR N 115-13 of October 12, 1943, the decision of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR N 1118-342 of this year. dated October 14, 1943. The eviction was carried out in two stages. In the summer of 1943, 110 families of gang leaders were evicted (so in the document) - 472 people, in November 1943 -14774 families - 68938 people. Total - 69410 people. (GARF.F.R-9478.0p.1.D.94.L.1-87.). On February 1, 1944, according to the Deputy Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR V.V. Chernyshev, 12,342 Karachay families (45,500 people) were settled on the territory of the Kazakh SSR. -GARF.F.R-9479.0p.1.D.160.L.123-124.
The eviction was carried out on the basis of the decision of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR N 1432/425 of December 28, 1943. 25,000 Kalmyks were sent to the Altai and Krasnoyarsk Territory and Omsk region, 20,000 people. - Novosibirsk region. On February 23, 1944, the head of the special settlements department of the GULAG of the NKVD of the USSR, Colonel of State Security Maltsev, reported: - "As of February 23, 1944, Kalmyks were settled in total - 92968 people, of which: in the Omsk region - 27069 people, in the Novosibirsk region. - 16436 people, in the Altai Territory - 22212 people, in the Krasnoyarsk Territory - 24998 people, in the Kazakh SSR - 2268 people (GARF.F.R-9479.0P.1.D.160.L.125-127.) .
CHECHEN AND INGUSH
On January 31, 1944, the State Defense Committee of the USSR approved a resolution on the deportation of Chechens and Ingush to the Kazakh and Kirghiz SSR. On February 21, the order of the NKVD of the USSR on eviction followed. On March 1, 1944, Beria, who led the deportation of peoples, reported to Stalin about that. that "as of February 29, 478,479 people, including 91,250 Ingush, were evicted and loaded into wagons." Here, Beria complained that "from some points of the high-mountainous Galanchozh region, 6,000 Chechens remained unexpelled due to heavy snowfall and impassability, the removal and loading of which will be completed in 2 days." Chechens and Ingush were evicted in the future as well. The contingent was replenished with those who were demobilized from the army, who lived in the territories and regions neighboring Chechen-Ingushetia with Chechens and Ingush (Bugay N.F. The truth about the deportation of Chechens and Ingush) (Voprosy istorii. 1990. N.7. P. 39-40 ). "
BALKARS
In addition to GKO resolution No. 5073 of January 31, 1944, GKO resolution No. 5309 of March 5, 1944 was adopted on the deportation of Balkars from the Kabardino-Balkarian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. The NKVD of the USSR was obliged to evict 40,000 citizens of the Balkar nationality. The eviction operation was carried out from March 8, 1944. On March 11, 1944, Lavrenty Beria reported to Stalin that "the operation to evict the Balkars was completed on March 9. 37,103 Balkars were loaded into trains and sent to the Kazakh and Kirghiz SSR, in addition, 478 people of an anti-Soviet element were arrested "(GARF.F. R-9401.0p.2.D.64.L.162.).
CRIMEAN TATARS, GREEKS, BULGARIANS, ARMENIANS
The results of the operation for the resettlement of the Tatars in May-June 1944. were summed up at a meeting of the Crimean bureau of the regional committee of the CPSU (b) (Minutes N 59). It was pointed out: "A lot of work has been done on special measures. In May, Tatars were evicted - 194,111 people." (RTSHID-NI.F. 17.0p.44.D.763.L. 1290142.).
On the basis of the above-mentioned Decree of the State Defense Committee of the USSR of June 2, 1944, 12,075 citizens of Bulgarian nationality, 9,919 Armenians, and 14,300 Greeks were deported from the Crimean ASSR in June. (Joseph Stalin - Lavrenty Beria: "They must be deported ..." M., 1991.S.MO-142). In total, Greeks, starting from 1942, were deported from the Black Sea coast of the Krasnodar Territory, the Georgian SSR, from the Crimea, Greek immigrants - more than 62 thousand people.
MESKHETI TURKS, KURDS, HEMSHINS (HEMSHILS)
The beginning of the resettlement was laid by the decision of the Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR N 103 / 1127-267 (top secret) (1937) on the organization of special forbidden zones (border zones). From these areas in Armenia. 1325 people (802 Kurdish households) were evicted from Azerbaijan, of which 812 people were sent to the Kirghiz SSR. in the Kazakh SSR - 513 people. Then, in 1941, the Germans were evicted from Transcaucasia, and then the Greeks.
The resettlement of the Meskhetian Turks, Kurds and Khemshins was carried out in November 1944 on the basis of the adopted resolution of the State Defense Committee N 6279 N 12 of July 31, 1944. state border The Georgian SSR and the USSR are preparing for the resettlement of Turks, Kurds and Khemshins from the border strip - a total of 17394, including from the Akhaltsikhe region - "" 260 households. from Adigensky -5627. Aspindza - 4327. Adjara ASSR - 1197 farms. In total, 94,955 people were deported, of which 8,964 were Kurds. 1,385 were Hemshins.
Along with the main contingents, an additional 3,628 people were resettled from Crimea. including Russians - 1280 people, Gypsies -1109, Germans - 427 people, TURKS - 272, Ukrainians - 257, others - 283 (Karaites, Italians, Finns, Romanians, Iranians, Circassians, Jews, Ingush, Azerbaijanis, Czechs, Kabardians, Hungarians, Croats).
From the North Caucasus - all 3219 people, including: Kabardians - 1617 people, Kumyks -485, Avars -311, Dagestanis - 235, Tavlins - 186, Abazins - 52, Ossetians - 49, Nogais - 41. Russians - 35, Dargins - 34, others - 174 (Ukrainians, Laks, Lezgins, Azerbaijanis, Circassians, Georgians, Germans, Adyghes, Arabs, Svans, Turks).
From the Georgian SSR - all 26044 people, including - Azerbaijanis - 24304, Turks - 676, Adjarians - 411, Georgians - 224, Tarkhes - 45, others - 384 (Abkhazians, Avars, Bulgarians, Russians, Lazians, Armenians).
In total, representatives of more than 60 nationalities "GARF.F.R.-9401.0p.1.D.436.L.26.) were involved in the joint settlement with the main contingent.
FROM UKRAINE, BELARUS, MOLDOVA AND THE BALTIC REPUBLIC
Starting from the 1930s, along with the Germans and Poles, the Ukrainian population was also resettled from the territory of Ukraine. The reasons were different. 40,100 people were deported from Western Ukraine and Belarus. (9870 families), members of the organization of Ukrainian nationalists ("OUN") - 182543 people, kulaks from the Izmail region. - 26315 families (92233 people), additionally from western regions Ukraine and Belarus in 1951, 3820 families (12135 people), "Jehovists" -4815 people. In total, more than 500 thousand people were deported from these regions.
The dynamics of the movement of special settlers from the moment of evictions and until 1949, when a check was made of all those who had taken place in the special settlement, looked like this:
REFERENCE
on the number of evicted and special settlers initially resettled
on the special settlement and on the number of deportees and special settlers who were re-registered in 1949.
The head gave the special settlement of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs Colonel Shiyan
(GARF.F.9479.0P.1.D.436.L.22).
Repressions against peoples, including their deportation, gross violation of human rights caused a conflict state of society, created prerequisites for the development and deepening of confrontational relations between political system and the population.
One of the most grandiose accomplishments of the great Russian reformer Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was the powerful impetus he gave to the resettlement of peasants from Central Russia to Siberia, the Kyrgyz Territory, Semirechye and Far East.
The Russian peasantry had long dreamed of occupying empty lands in the eastern part of the empire. Central Russia is already early XIX century was overpopulated, and in the villages there were legends about the rich expanses of Asia - "Queen's Lands", "Siberian Gardens", "Mamur River".
The northern expanses of Siberia, with their tundra and permafrost it was very difficult to learn. But south of 55-58 parallels, from the Urals to Pacific Ocean, stretched a fertile strip with an area of \u200b\u200bmore than 4 million square miles. The mountainous nature of the terrain and remoteness from the seas made its climate more severe than that of Europe; it was more comparable to Canada than to the United States. It was a fertile land, with large, almost untapped natural wealth.
Even in the era of serfdom, enterprising peasants ran away from the landowners and rushed east to an unknown distance, to an alluring abode. But because of serfdom, this migration flow was very weak. It intensified little even in the first period after the reform of 1861: the Russian government artificially prevented its peasants from reaching the free rich lands beyond the Urals under the mercenary insistence of the landlords, who were afraid that the prices of laborers on their estates would increase. From European Russia, where there were 31 inhabitants per square verst, to Siberia, where there lived less than one person per verst, the peasants were not allowed in until the famine 1891, then relaxed, even started to build Siberian railway- and yet they waited for the need that flared up due to the people's need revolution of 1905 and estate pogroms.
But the policy changed a lot after P. A. Stolypin came to power (1906). Under him, peasant migrations to the east not only became free, but also received the widest state benefits: state transportation of viewings, preliminary arrangement of plots, assistance in moving families, with household belongings and live cattle (special passenger cars with a simplified layout were even built for this) , loans for the construction of houses, the purchase of cars.
Thanks to this, the most active layer of the peasantry was drawn in masses to the eastern territories. Under the peasant resettlement, the cabinet (own royal) lands of Altai, fivefold Belgium, were also given. Also the soldiers who crossed Siberia back with Japanese war , moved this peasant interest. Already in 1906, 130 thousand moved, and then a year by half a million or more. (By the war of 1914 - more than 4 million, - as much as in 300 years from Yermak ). The settlers received land as a gift and as a property, and not for use - 50 acres per family, so millions of acres were distributed further, and 60 poods of bread were taken from each, and not 40, as in Central Russia before Stolypin's land reform. For the settlers, they irrigated the Hungry Steppe and dug public canals.
If we sum up the resettlement for 20 years - from the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II (1893) to the beginning First World War- and include in it the natural human growth on the newly developed lands, it turns out that the number of inhabitants of Asiatic Russia has increased from 12 to 21.5 million. Nothing like this was achieved in the communist era - neither under Stalin, nor under Khrushchev with his fanfare "development of virgin lands".
The center of the area of peasant resettlement was the Altai District, which until 1906 was the personal property of the reigning emperor and was administered by the Cabinet of His Majesty. By a decree adopted on Stolypin's initiative on September 16, 1906, Nicholas II ordered that all the free lands of the district be transferred to the Resettlement Administration for the establishment of landless and land-poor peasants in European Russia. Peasants (both old-timers and migrants) were given about 25 million acres of “cabinet land”. (For the cabinet there were mainly forests and inconveniences - mountain ranges, almost equal in height to the Alps.) The population of the Altai District in 1914 exceeded three million (over 10 people per square verst). Cities grew with fabulous speed in Altai. Novo-Nikolaevsk (later Novosibirsk), founded in 1895, had about 100,000 inhabitants by 1914. Slavgorod, where in 1909 a wooden cross was still erected from scratch, in 1913 already had 7,000 inhabitants and developed trade at 6 million rubles a year.
Of the four million new settlers of the Stolypin era, more than three million settled in the above-mentioned central zone of Siberia, about half a million - in the Far East (Primorye and Amur region), about 100 thousand - in Turkestan. Their placement and organization was carried out by the Resettlement Administration, whose budget in 1914 reached 30 million rubles (in 1894 - less than 1 million).
Just four years after the start of their extensive resettlement measures, in August and September 1910, Stolypin and his closest assistant in the peasant reform, Krivoshein, traveled around many resettlement places in Siberia - and no less than the settlers themselves marveled and rejoiced at their free, healthy, successful life in new places, their good-quality haunts and villages, even entire cities, where three years ago there was not a single person.
The migrants, who boldly marched into the outback and into the distance, strong, indefatigably mobile, vigorous shoots of the Russian people, were full of their work, free - and far from revolutionary dregs, involuntarily faithful to the tsar and Orthodoxy, demanded churches and schools for themselves. Transferred to a new place, Russia was recreated cleansed: in the Volga region, Stolypin met a former revolutionary peasant, a member of a violent First Duma, now a passionate farmer and lover of order.
The peasants who moved to Siberia were noticeably more prosperous than in European Russia. So, hay-mowers, horse-drawn rakes, threshers in Siberia were only half as much as in the European part of the country with a population twelve times smaller.
After the Stolypin migrations, Siberia began to produce grain surpluses of up to 100 million poods a year. But its main significance for Russian exports was expressed in the unusually rapid development of the export of butter (mainly to England), mainly from the Altai District: from almost zero in 1894, exports rose by 1913 to 70 million rubles.
Great Siberian railway track to Vladivostok, completed in 1905, after the resettlement measures of Stolypin, it turned out to be insufficient for the growing needs of the region. The Amur road, which began to be built in 1908 (completion was scheduled for 1916), passed through areas that were still almost uninhabited. For the main colonization region, therefore, the following were planned: the South Siberian Main Line, which ran about 300 versts parallel to the Great Siberian Route, from Orsk to Semipalatinsk; three branches in the Altai region (one of them from Novo-Nikolaevsk through Barnaul to Semipalatinsk, one to the Kuznetsk coal basin); branch Minusinsk-Achinsk and, finally, the road to the Chinese border in Transbaikalia (to Kyakhta). The construction of new railways in the Altai region began after the death of Stolypin, in 1913. In the same year, Railway Tyumen-Omsk, which greatly reduced the path from St. Petersburg to Siberia. In Turkestan, after the completion (in 1906) of the Orenburg-Tashkent line, which connected Central Asia with the Russian railway network, plans were developed for a line from Turkestan to Siberia, and construction began on a line from Turkestan to Semirechye - to Verny (Alma-Ata) and Pishpek (Bishkek). ).
The disadvantage of the Siberian river system was that all large rivers - except for the Amur - flowed in parallel, from south to north. Formed under Stolypin (1909), a special commission under the Ministry of Communications, with the aim of further developing the resettlement policy, developed a grandiose project of the Siberian waterway from the Urals to Vladivostok, over 10 thousand miles long, connected to the Kama and Volga systems by a canal with locks in the southern Urals.
After the land reform and the success of Stolypin's resettlement policy, the annual grain harvest in Russia rose to 4 billion poods. By the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II (1893), it was only 2 billion. The population during this period did not double, but only by 40% - and besides, now a noticeably large share of it worked not in agriculture, but in industrial and commercial sectors.
All this became a truly striking example of how Stolypin's land management, the emancipation of the individual and the development of industry breathed into Russian economy new life, brilliantly developing until then vegetated areas and industries.
When writing the article, chapter 65 of A. Solzhenitsyn's novel "August the Fourteenth" and the book of S. Oldenburg "The Reign of Emperor Nicholas II" were used.