PUSHKAREVA, Natalya Lvovna
Gender theory and historical knowledge
Annotation:
The first publication in Russian historiography that tells the history of the formation of women's and gender studies - an interdisciplinary direction of scientific knowledge that influenced the sciences about the past in Europe, the USA, and Russia.
The author of the book, Professor, Doctor of Historical Sciences Natalya Lvovna Pushkareva, was one of the first to introduce the topic “the history of women” into our science, becoming, in fact, its founder and one of the leaders. Her list of works includes such popular and frequently cited books as "Women Ancient Russia"(1989), "Women of Russia and Europe on the Threshold of the New Age" (1996); “The Private Life of a Russian Woman in Pre-Industrial Russia: Bride, Wife, Mistress” (1997), highly acclaimed by the Western scientific world “Women in Russian history from the 10th to the 20th Century” (1997; 2nd ed. 1999), “And these are the sins evil, mortals…” (Love, erotica and sexual ethics in pre-industrial Russia in the 10th century, first half of the 19th century) (1999), “Russian woman: history and modernity” (2002).
FOREWORD
PART ONE
"WOMEN'S STUDIES" IN HISTORICAL SCIENCES
"Living colors of love - for the female sex and for the Fatherland"
1. The idea of "women's history" in Russian pre-revolutionary historiography (1800-1917)
2. Issues of "women's history" in the works of Soviet researchers (1917-1985)
Birth of "history of women" (historical feminology)
1. Socio-political prerequisites for the emergence of "women's studies"
2. "Women's Studies" (social feminology) - a special direction in the humanities. Historical feminology is part of social feminology
3. Prenatal period and labor pains: general scientific background of historical feminology and its institutionalization in Western science
4. The main directions of historical feminology in the West
5. What has “historical feminology” achieved in the West
The Unnoticed Revolution (Historical Feminology in Russia, 1980–2000: Status and Perspectives)
1. 1980s: the beginning of "birth pangs"?
2. What happened in the mid-80s: the beginning of the recognition of the "women's theme" in the system of historical sciences in Russia
3. Reasons for the insufficient popularity of the "women's theme" in our historical science today
4. The latest developments in the field of Russian "women's history": directions and methods of scientific research (1986-2000)
PART TWO123
GENDER STUDIES IN HISTORICAL SCIENCES
Ideological origins of the gender concept
1. The dominance of biological determinism
2. Why was the marriage of Marxism and feminism unhappy?
3. The first doubts about the “obvious” The concept of T. Kuhn
4 Modernism of the late 20th century: from theories of social construction (60s) to gender concept (70s) in sociology
5. Theoretical basis gender concept in psychology
What is "gender"? (Basic concepts, representatives, analytical approaches)
1. What is "gender": the first definitions of the concept
2 They Were First: Some Feminist Concepts of Gender
3. How are gender stereotypes, norms, identities created and recreated?
From "women's studies" to "gender studies", from historical feminology to gender history
1. "Gender is a useful category of historical analysis"
2. Postmodernism, poststructuralism and "multiple stories"
3. Linguistic turn. Male and female discourses
4. Gender history: subject and meaning
5. Gender expertise social phenomena as a method of deepening historical vision: the historiographical situation of the 1990s.
6. Perspectives on gender in research national history
Gender history as a "field of intersection" of history and gender linguistics
1. From the theory of "word as action" to theories of "genderlect"
2. "Language created by men" and "You misunderstood me" (two directions in feminist linguistics in the West)
3. Research results of Russian gender linguists relevant to gender history
4. Is the female language of Russian folk culture so “inaudible”?
5. Male and female languages of non-verbal communication
Gender psychology and history. Individual and collective memory in the light of the concepts of gender psychology
1. Memory like psychological concept. Individual and collective memory. Plurality of types of memory
2. Gender component in developmental psychology, psychology of emotions and cognitive psychology
3. Gender specifics of collective memory
4. Types of narratives as tools for analyzing collective memory
5. Gender features of memorization through the eyes of psychologists who study the individual memory of modern men and women
Gender features of writing and reading. The Gender Aspect of Autobiographical Memory as a History of the Subjective
1. "Writing is acting." The concept of "letters"
2. Julia Kristeva, Helen Cixous, Lucie Irigare and the phenomenon of "women's writing"
3. The originality of women's oral and written speech - the continuation of gender expectations and stereotypes (the process of "doing gender" in the creation of the text)
4. The Phenomenon of Women's Reading" and the tasks of studying texts written by women
5. Autobiographical memory of the individual. "Women's Autobiographies" for "Men's History"?
6. Some results of the study of early Russian women's autobiographies
Gender studies as a "field of intersection" of history and ethnological disciplines (social anthropology, ethnography)
1. How it all began (prehistory of feminist ethnology and the sources of its emergence: the beginning of the 19th - the end of the 60s of the 20th century)
2. The beginning of a feminist project in ethnology and social anthropology. Separation of the concepts of "sex" and "gender" (1970-1980s)
3. The content of the feminist project in ethnology of the late 1980s - 2000
4. Methods of other humanities used by feminist anthropology
5. Original approaches and updated methods in feminist ethnological research at the turn of the century
Prospects for gender studies in the system of historical sciences in Russia (instead of a conclusion)
APPENDIX
1. What is "feminism"
2. Feminism in Russia
3. Gender studies
Course program
I. Women's and Gender Studies in History
Women's Studies in History or Historical Feminology
II. gender history. Methodology and techniques
Pointer
The Emergence and Formation of the Russian Diaspora Abroad
The Russian state has long been involved in the history of world migrations. The history of immigration to Russia from other countries and internal movements of peoples within the borders of the Russian state attracted the attention of researchers as early as the 19th century. At the same time, the formation of the Russian diaspora abroad remained a surprisingly little-studied topic.
Until the end of the XIX century. data on emigration from the Russian Empire practically did not get into publications, since this information was considered secret even then, and the tsarist government preferred to pretend that emigration did not exist. In the XX century. in a number of works published before the outbreak of the First World War, the tasks of studying the problem were first set, some statistical data were collected concerning the end of the 19th century. (from the beginning of the 80s) until 1914. After the revolution of 1917, a number of works appeared on the history of political emigration in Russia in the 19th centuries. But it wasn't so much historical research, how many responses of historians and publicists to the ideological demands of that time. At the same time, the first attempts were made to periodize the history of Russian emigration in the 19th and early 20th centuries, coinciding with the Leninist periodization of the history of the liberation movement in Russia. This simplified the analysis of the complex process of emigration, if only because emigration from Russia was not only political, but political was far from being reduced to three stages of the liberation movement, its waves and flows were much larger.
In the late 1920s the first works appeared that told about emigration from Russia after October 1917. The returnees of the 1920s also approached this topic, striving not so much to give a general research overview of the number, moods, living conditions of Russians abroad, but to present their own versions and memories about recent events.
However, since the 1930s all topics related to emigration actually fell into the category of prohibited ones, and sources, including memoirs, ended up in special libraries and archives. Therefore, until the memorable thaw of the 1960s. in the USSR, not a single significant research work on the emigrant topic was published.
At the very end of the 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s. some former emigrants returned to the USSR, who soon published their memoirs. Those researchers who studied the struggle of parties and classes at the beginning of the 20th century became interested in the history of white emigration. However, both the works of Soviet scientists of that time and the publications of foreign authors mainly considered its post-October wave. At the same time, both works were politicized.
The first significant step in the study of the topic was in the 70s. works by L.K. Shkarenkov and A.L. Afanasiev. They collected significant concrete material on the history of white and anti-Soviet emigration, despite the obstacles placed at that time to its identification and generalization. During the years of stagnation, the issue of emigrants could be dealt with only by exposing bourgeois ideology and condemning those who had left. At the same time, a number of interesting monographs on the history of Russian émigré literature appeared abroad, rich in concrete material. cultural life generally. As Soviet literary criticism, art criticism, science of science tried to forget and cross out many names of former compatriots of art, science, culture, foreign authors set themselves the task of doing everything possible to preserve these names. Long before the appearance in Soviet historical literature of works on the history of dissent in the USSR, books on this topic had already been published in foreign historiography.
With the beginning of the democratization of our society since the mid-1980s. interest in the Russian abroad, which has always existed latently in the country, splashed out in the form of many articles on the pages of newspapers, magazines, and popular books. In them, journalists made the first attempts to rethink the old ideas about emigration, and historians touched on some specific pages of its past. Abroad, researchers of Russian culture in exile received a new impetus to expand and deepen the problems of their work. The purpose of this essay is to trace, on the basis of literature and published sources, the main stages in the emergence and formation of the Russian diaspora abroad, from the origins of this process to the present, to identify (over a wider chronological period than was done previously) the connection between emigration from Russia and internal processes that took place in the country, both political and socio-economic. We would like to present the scale of Russian emigration in the past and present, to reveal what it has brought to the world process of migration of peoples in different periods of history and what has brought a new and modern time to the problem of emigration Russian population to other countries. In an effort to generalize the results of a research analysis of Russian and foreign scientists interested in the problems of Russian emigration, it must be said that a significant part of the specific factual materials on the history of Russian emigration over the past half century has been taken from the press and secondary sources, including quantitative data from statistical agencies. Russian Federation.
The history of the resettlement of our compatriots, as a result of which the Russian diaspora is formed abroad, has several centuries, if we take into account the forced flight abroad politicians during the Middle Ages and early modern times. In the Petrine era, religious motives were added to the political motives for leaving abroad. The process of economic migration, which is so characteristic of the countries of Central and Western Europe and caused by surplus labor resources and lack of land, practically did not affect Russia until the second half of XIX in. True, from the XVII-VIII centuries. we have heard about Russian settlers in distant lands, including America, China, Africa, but such migrations, being very small in number, were often caused not only by economic reasons: some felt the call of distant seas, others fled from misfortune, looking for in a foreign land of peace or success.
Russian emigration became truly massive only in the 19th century, so that the formation of the Russian diaspora can be discussed no earlier than the second quarter of the last century, when anti-tsarist political emigration from Russia became an unprecedented phenomenon in the history of world migrations of peoples and ethnic groups, and not so much because of numerousness, how many because of the scale and historical role. Its history in Soviet historiography was considered in connection with the stages of the liberation movement. Indeed, the ups and downs in the departure of political emigrants from Russia were directly related to internal politics government and its attitude to revolutionary thoughts, however, the periodization of the history of Russian political emigration does not always coincide with the Leninist stages.
First wave political emigrants from Russia, which consisted of only a few dozen Russians who resorted to non-return, was a direct consequence of government repression caused by the performance at the Senate Square in 1825. The main center of Russian emigration at that time was Paris. After the revolution of 1848, he moved to London, where, as is known, the first Free Russian printing house was founded. Thanks to her, the Russian emigration became connected with the political life of Russia itself and became one of its essential factors. Features of the noble emigration from Russia in the second quarter of the XIX century. was comparatively high level the lives of Russians who went abroad (for example, A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev managed to sell their real estate in Russia and transfer their fortunes to France, and other nobles were provided with capital). Many political emigrants of the first wave left quite legally in their time.
Political emigrants are another matter second wave, which arose not so much after the abolition of serfdom, but after the Polish uprising of 1863-1864. This so-called young emigration consisted of those who fled Russia, already wanted by the police, who escaped from prison, left their place of exile without permission, and so on. Those who left in the first quarter of the 19th century did not count on a return and tried to secure their lives abroad in advance. The emigration of the second stream was much more fluid: those who left often returned back. Therefore, neither the democrats of the sixties, nor the Narodniks who replaced them, had time to create a well-established life abroad. Often their travel documents were not even fully completed. Russian officials, as you know, limited the stay of Russians abroad for a period of five years. after the expiration of this period, it was necessary to ask the governor (and for the nobles, an official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia) to extend the validity of the passport (which cost more than 15 rubles). The absence of the corresponding paper could lead to the deprivation of Russian citizenship, and in this case his property was transferred to the guardianship. The state tax levied on those officially leaving exceeded 25 rubles. It is clear that under such orders, only wealthy people could go abroad in the usual way and live there.
The expansion of the social composition of emigration in the 1860s and early 80s. touched only its political part: the nobles were added to the burghers, raznochintsy, and the intelligentsia. It was then, in the third quarter of the 19th century, that professional revolutionaries appeared in this milieu, who several times went abroad and returned to Russia again. Abroad, they tried to find contact with the Russian youth studying there, with figures of Russian culture who had lived in Europe for a long time (I. S. Turgenev, S. A. Kovalevskaya, V. D. Polenov, etc.). In the German part of Switzerland, a new large a region where political refugees settled, which enjoyed the reputation of a second Russia. This was facilitated by the relocation of Herzen's Free Russian Printing House from London to Geneva. Russian political refugees of that time no longer lived at the expense of personal capital, but at the expense of literary work, lessons in families, etc.
third wave Russian political emigration, which arose after the second revolutionary situation and the internal political crisis of the early 80s, covered almost a quarter of a century. At first, the decline of the revolutionary movement in the country made the Russian political emigration stronger, more closed, more cut off from Russian realities. Provocateurs appeared among her, a system of political investigation abroad was formed (headed by Harting-Langdesen). However, a decade later, the isolation of Russian political emigrants from their homeland was overcome: Marxist emigrants created their own Union of Russian Social Democrats Abroad. And although V. I. Lenin considered this union opportunistic, calling for the creation of a real revolutionary organization to counterbalance it, it is worth considering that the First Congress of the RSDLP recognized the Union as the official representative of the Social Democratic Party abroad. The left wing of the Russian political emigration (Bolshevism) took a leading place in it in the very first years of the 20th century. Publishing houses, printing houses, libraries, warehouses, the cash desk of the party were all located abroad.
Less thoroughly studied by Soviet historians are the activities of political emigrants of a different ideological orientation, although there were also many of them. It is known, for example, that some active figures of the Russian political emigration of this wave were attracted to Masonic lodges. In the spring of 1905, dozens of representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, both temporarily living abroad and experienced emigrants, joined them, forcing the tsarist secret police to think about introducing their informants into these associations.
The social composition of political emigration from Russia of the third stream changed greatly, especially after the revolution of 1905-1907: workers, peasants, and soldiers appeared in emigration. 700 sailors fled to Romania only from the battleship Potemkin. They took jobs in industrial enterprises. The intelligentsia earned their living by working for hire as draftsmen (one of the emigrants even worked as a torch-bearer at funeral processions). Finding a job was considered good luck. The high cost of living abroad forced them to frequently change their place of residence, moving in search of acceptable conditions. Therefore, accounting for the number of Russians who are for political reasons in a foreign land is so complicated, and conclusions about the significance of certain centers or regions of their location are vague. If in the early 1980s 19th century Since about 500 people were in forced exile abroad, in a quarter of a century, due to the expansion of the social composition of political emigration, this number has at least tripled.
In addition, the third wave of political emigration from Russia coincided with the first significant flow of labor (economic) migration outside of Russia. They were based not so much on relative overpopulation as on differences in wages for the same types of labor in Russia and abroad. Despite the weak population, exceptional natural wealth, vast areas of undeveloped land, Russia was a country of growing emigration. Wishing to preserve her reputation, the tsarist government did not publish information about her. All the calculations of the then economists were based on foreign statistics, primarily German, which for a long time did not fix the national and religious affiliation of those who left. Until the beginning of the 80s. 19th century the number of those who left Russia for economic reasons did not exceed 10 thousand people, the nose of the indicated period began to grow. This growth continued until the trade agreement between Russia and Germany in 1894, which made it easier to cross the border with short-term permits that replaced passports for the population and allowed them to leave for a short time and quickly return.
More than half of those leaving Russia for economic reasons in late XIX in. settled in the USA. During the period from 1820 to 1900, 424 thousand subjects of the Russian Empire arrived and remained here. What part of these subjects was actually Russian is an unresolved question, since there is no representative data. In Russian historiography of the early XX century. the opinion prevailed that then only political and foreigners emigrated, and indigenous people did not go abroad. Indeed, the departure of several thousand Russians proper (which accounted for 2% of those who left) is hardly comparable to the exodus of Jews (38% of those who left), Poles (29%), Finns (13%), Balts (10%) and Germans (7%).
Russian emigrants left through Finnish, Russian, German ports, where they kept a record of those leaving. Based on German statistics, it is known that for 1890-1900. only 1,200 Orthodox left. Men of working age predominated. Women accounted for only 15%, children (under 14) 9.7%, by occupation, artisans left the most. There were no legal provisions regulating emigration flows in Russia. emigration was, in fact, illegal and illegal. At that time, some representatives of Orthodox religious sects faced great difficulties, who wished to legally leave Russia and choose a different place of residence for themselves. Their number was so significant that in historiography there was even an opinion that those who left for religious reasons in the late XIX - early XX centuries. made up the majority of Russian emigrants from Russia. According to V. D. Bonch-Bruevich, from 1826 to 1905 Russian empire 26.5 thousand Orthodox and sectarians left, of which 18 thousand left in the last decade of the 19th century. and five pre-revolutionary years (the vast majority of those who left were Great Russians).
Using the example of the emigration history of the Doukhobors (about 8,000 people), one can get an idea of this first flow of religious emigrants from Russia and the reasons for their departure. The conflict with the authorities (refusal to perform military service) plus utopian hopes that resettlement in a free country would eliminate property inequality and exploitation served as an impetus for the decision to leave. In August 1896, the leader of the Dukhobors, P. B. Verigin, filed a petition, but only in May 1898 did the Russian Ministry of the Interior give consent to the departure of the Dukhobors to Canada. The positive solution to the question of the emigration of the Doukhobors was to a large extent the result of the active support of the sectarians by L. N. Tolstoy and the Tolstoyans. In the first years of our century, others left Russia who were dissatisfied with the lack of freedom of conscience in Russia. These were the Stundists (more than a thousand), who went to America, the spiritual Molokans, the New Israel group (peasants of the South of Russia, who belonged to the Subbotnik sect and moved to Palestine).
The events in Russia in the autumn of 1905 had a direct impact on emigration. The manifesto of October 17, 1905, which was a kind of constitution for bourgeois Russia, facilitated the return of many emigrants to their homeland by proclaiming an amnesty for political prisoners. Almost all representatives of the populist democratic parties returned, their bodies ceased to exist. (Of all the Russian Marxists abroad, only GV Plekhanov remained). But this situation lasted only a few months. In the conditions of the recession of the revolution in 1906-1907. an avalanche of arrests swept across the country, causing a new wave of political emigration: first they left for autonomous Finland, and when the Russian police got to these outskirts of theirs, to Europe. Started fourth stage in the history of Russian political emigration. We went from Russia to Paris, to Swiss cities, Vienna, London, North and South America, to Australia. In the last of these countries, under the leadership of Artyom (F. A. Sregeev), a special organization, the Socialist Union of Russian Workers, was even formed. Total abroad, according to incomplete data, in the 10s. 20th century several tens of thousands of Russian political emigrants lived.
The number of those leaving for economic reasons also increased, which was facilitated by the agrarian overpopulation in the center of the country. Most of the agricultural workers from Russia were taken in by Germany and Denmark. Only one percent of the peasants sought to obtain foreign citizenship, the rest returned after some time. Actually, there were still few Russians among the Russian economic emigrants of that time (in 1911-1912 out of 260 thousand who left in 1915, in 1912-1913 out of 260 thousand 6300). Perhaps the registration authorities are to blame here, they do not establish the nationality of the newcomers with particular care. Most of the Great Russians who emigrated in those years lived before their departure in the central agricultural provinces, where, after the reform of 1861, land plots were especially small and rents were high. Russian peasants went to Europe solely for the sake of earning money, sometimes agreeing to literally bestial conditions of life and work.
The largest number of Russians (up to 56% in 1909-1913) left Russia not for European, but for overseas countries. So, for 1900-1913. 92 thousand people settled in the USA and Canada. Unlike short-term (several years) departures to Europe, overseas emigration consisted of people who decided to change their citizenship and their entire way of life. Emigration to Europe was the emigration of singles. Families traveled to the USA, and the most enterprising and healthy (medical control was carried out), tempted by the promises of special recruiters, young people went. However, among ethnic Russian emigrants there was a high percentage of re-emigrants (a sixth, and in some years, for example, in 1912, a fourth of those who left), which is incomparable with the return of representatives of other nationalities (it was practically not observed among Jews and Germans). And yet, speaking of the fact that Russians joined emigration later than other nations, it should be borne in mind that their emigration tended to increase, as did their departure from the country as a whole.
What awaited Russians abroad? Laborers' earnings (but four times higher than the wages of similar labor at home), emigrant wanderings, hard, unpleasant, and dangerous work. But the workers who decided to leave Russia for economic reasons, as evidenced by their letters, actually accumulated more or less significant savings.
One can think that economic considerations were one of the motives and the emerging wave of people leaving Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. famous figures culture. Their first stream was formed from pendulum migration: at first, musicians N. N. Cherepnin and I. F. Stravinsky, artists A. N. Benois, L. S. Bakst, N. S. Goncharova, M. F. Larionov, choreographers M. M. Fokin, V. F. Nizhinsky, ballerinas A. P. Pavlova, T. P. Karsavina and many others only lived abroad for a long time, but returned home from tours. However, their stay outside of Russia became longer and longer, and the contracts they signed became more and more profitable. The fire of the First World War not only caught many of them outside of Russia, but also prevented their return. The connection with the motherland weakened more and more. Long-term work abroad and the resulting international fame have created an opportunity for many cultural figures to find the meaning of life and recognition in the event of a forced need to stay abroad. Many took advantage of this opportunity after October 1917.
The February Revolution of 1917 meant the end fourth stage political emigration. In March 1917, even such old-timers of emigration as G. V. Plekhanov and P. A. Kropotkin returned to Russia. To facilitate repatriation, a Homecoming Committee was formed in Paris, headed by M. N. Pokrovsky, M. Pavlovich (M. L. Veltman), and others. Similar committees arose in Switzerland, England, and the USA. At the same time, the February Revolution marked the beginning of a new stage of Russian political emigration (1917-1985), which after October 1917 acquired the character of anti-Bolshevik, anti-communist, anti-Soviet. Already by the end of 1917, some members of the royal family, representatives of the aristocracy and high officials who had left during the summer and autumn, who performed diplomatic functions abroad, found themselves abroad. However, their departure was not massive. On the contrary, the number of those who returned after years stay in a foreign land was more than the number of people leaving.
A different picture began to take shape already in November 1917. The overwhelming majority of those who left for fifth (since 1895) wave Russian political emigration (about 2 million people) were people who did not accept Soviet power and all the events associated with its establishment. These were not only, as it was written before, representatives of the exploiting classes, the top of the army, merchants, and high-ranking officials. An exact description of the social composition of the emigration of that time was given by Z. Gippius, who left the Bolshevik country: "... the same Russia in its composition, both at home and abroad: tribal nobility, trading people, petty and big bourgeoisie, clergy , the intelligentsia in various areas of its activity of political, cultural, scientific activity, political, cultural, scientific, technical, etc., the army (from the highest to the lowest ranks), the working people (from the machine tool and from the land) representatives of all classes, estates, positions and conditions, even all three (or four) generations of Russian emigration are evident ... ".
People were driven abroad by the horror of violence and civil war. The western part of Ukraine (January March 1919), Odessa (March 1919), Crimea (November 1920), Siberia and Primorye (late 1920-1921) alternately witnessed crowded evacuations with parts of the White armies. In parallel, the so-called peaceful emigration was going on: bourgeois specialists, having received business trips and exit visas under various pretexts, strove beyond the borders of their blood-drunk (A. Vesely) Motherland. Information collected in 1922 in Varna (3354 questionnaires). Russians (95.2%) left, men (73.3%), middle age from 17 to 55 years (85.5%), educated (54.2%).
Geographically, emigration from Russia was directed primarily to the countries of Western Europe. The first direction of the Baltic states is Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, the second Poland. Settling in the neighboring states of Russia was explained by the hopes for a speedy return to their homeland. However, later these unfulfilled hopes forced those who left to go further, to the center of Europe in Germany, Belgium, and France. The third direction is Turkey, and from it to Europe, the Balkans, Czechoslovakia and France. It is known that at least 300,000 Russian emigrants passed through Constantinople during the years of the Civil War alone. The fourth way of emigration of Russian political refugees is connected with China, where a special area of their settlement appeared quite quickly. In addition, certain groups of Russians and their families ended up in the United States and Canada, in the countries of Central and South America, in Australia, India, New Zealand, Africa and even the Hawaiian Islands. Already in the 1920s. one could notice that in the Balkans mainly the military concentrated, in Czechoslovakia those who were connected with the Komuch (Committee of the Constituent Assembly), in France, in addition to representatives of aristocratic families, the intelligentsia, in the United States, businessmen, enterprising people who wanted to make capital in big business. The transit point there for some was Berlin (they were waiting for the final visa), for others Constantinople.
The center of the political life of the Russian emigration in the 20s. was Paris, its institutions were located here and several tens of thousands of emigrants lived here. Other significant centers of Russian dispersion were Berlin, Prague, Belgrade, Sofia, Riga, Helsingfors. The resumption and gradual extinction of activities abroad of various Russian political parties are well described in the literature. Less studied is the life and ethnographic characteristics of the considered wave of Russian political emigration.
The return to Russia that emerged after the end of the Civil War did not take on a general character even after the political amnesty announced in 1921, but for several years it was still massive. So, in 1921, 121,343 people who left returned to Russia, and in total from 1921 to 1931, 181,432 people. The Homecoming Unions (the largest in Sofia) helped a lot in this. The Soviet authorities did not stand on ceremony with returning repatriates: former officers and military officials were shot immediately after arrival, some of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers ended up in the northern camps. The returnees appealed to possible future returnees with appeals not to believe the guarantees of the Bolsheviks, they also wrote to the Commissioner for Refugees under the League of Nations F. Nansen. One way or another, but the Nansen organization and the passport project proposed by him and approved by 31 states contributed to the placement and finding a place in the life of 25 thousand Russians who ended up in the USA, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and other countries.
The fifth wave of Russian political emigration, for obvious reasons, coincided with a new wave of religious emigration from Russia. Unlike the first stream of those who left for religious reasons, in the post-October decades it was not sectarians who left the country, but representatives of the Orthodox clergy. These were not only his highest ranks, but also ordinary priests, deacons, synodal and diocesan officials of all ranks, teachers and students of theological seminaries and academies. Total number there were few clergy among the emigrants (0.5%), but even the small number of those who left did not prevent a split. Created in November 1921 in Sremski Karlovitsy (Yugoslavia), the Synod and the Church Council under the Higher Russian Church Administration Abroad were not recognized by the head of the Moscow Patriarchate Tikhon, who transferred control of the Western European parishes to his protege. Mutual accusations of heresy did not blunt even decades later, but ordinary emigrant laymen were always far from these strife. Many of them noted that being Orthodox for them meant feeling Russian. Orthodoxy remained the spiritual support of those who believed in the revival of the way of life of the former pre-revolutionary Russian state, in the destruction of communism and godlessness.
Speaking of emigration for political and religious reasons in 1917 in the early 1930s, we must not forget that not a small handful of people left Russia; the whole flower of the country has gone ... October 17th marked the beginning of a huge emigration of scientists and cultural figures, incomparable in scale with the first, at the beginning of the 20th century. Hundreds and thousands of educated, gifted people left Russia, resuming scientific and creative activity outside of Russia. Only from 1921 to 1930 they held five congresses of academic organizations, where the professors and associate professors of the former Russian universities. Over a decade and a half, our compatriots abroad published 7038 titles of scientifically significant research papers. Neither theatrical and concert, nor literary life stopped in exile. On the contrary, the achievements of Russian émigré writers and artists entered the golden fund of Russian literature and art without experiencing the disastrous consequences of ideological deformation. The largest of the publishing houses that published Russian literature abroad in the post-October years was the publishing house of Z. I. Grzhebin. In total for the 30s. 1005 titles of newspapers and magazines were published outside of Russia, in which emigrants of all generations published their works, reflecting on the fate and future of Russia.
The military threat that hung over the world in the second half of the 1930s changed a lot in the mood of the world community, not bypassing the Russian diaspora. Its left wing unreservedly condemned Hitler and fascism. There are moments, wrote P. N. Milyukov at the time, urging to be on the side of the motherland, when the choice becomes obligatory. The other part of the emigration was made up of people with a controversial position. They pinned their hopes on the courage of the Russian army, capable, as they thought, of repulsing the fascist invasion, and then liquidating Bolshevism as well. The third group of emigrants were future collaborators. In our historiography, there was an opinion that the latter were the majority (although no calculations were made!). There is reason to believe that this is nothing more than an ideological setting of the past. The recollections of eyewitnesses testify that those who were directly or indirectly with the enemies of Russia were, fortunately, always in the minority.
By the time the Nazis attacked the USSR, the number of our compatriots in all countries had significantly decreased. Many members of the older generation have died. Approximately 10% of those who left over the past two decades (1917-1939) returned to their homeland. Someone took a new citizenship, ceasing to be an emigrant. So, for example, in France, in comparison with 1920, the number of Russians decreased by 8 times; they became about 50 thousand, in Bulgaria 30 thousand, the same number in Yugoslavia. About 1 thousand Russians remained in Manchuria and China, although in the mid-20s. they numbered up to 18 thousand people.
On June 22, 1941, the Russian compatriots were finally demarcated. In all countries occupied by the Nazis, arrests of Russian emigrants began. At the same time, the Nazis launched an agitation, calling on the enemies of Bolshevism from among the emigrants to join German military units. In the very first months of the war, generals P. N. Krasnov and A. G. Shkuro offered their services to the fascist command. There were also people in the occupied Soviet territories who, for ideological reasons, went to cooperate with the invaders. Subsequently, they gave rise to a new wave of political emigration. However, the vast majority of Russians who were abroad remained loyal to the Fatherland and passed the test of patriotism. The mass entry of Russian exiles into the ranks of the Resistance and other anti-fascist organizations, their selfless activities are well known both from memoirs and from other sources. Many of those emigrants who showed themselves to be patriots and anti-fascists were granted the right to receive Soviet citizenship by Decrees of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of November 10, 1945 and January 20, 1946. In Yugoslavia in 1945, there were more than 6,000 such applicants, and in France, more than 11,000. Hundreds of people applied for Soviet citizenship to the reopened consular mission in Shanghai. At the same time, some emigrants were native land not of their own free will, but as a result of extradition (that is, the extradition of certain persons from one state to another, provided for by international treaties). They then served for more than one year in Stalin's prisons and camps, but after their release they remained to live in their homeland, refusing foreign passports.
The completion of the defeat of fascism in 1945 meant a new era in the history of Russian emigration as well. Those who experienced persecution and persecution during the years of the brown plague returned to their homeland. But far from all returned, and not even most of the emigrants of this century. Someone was already old and was afraid to start new life, someone was afraid not to fit into the Soviet system of life ... In many families there was a division, recalled V. N. Bunina, the wife of the writer. Some wanted to go, others to stay .... Those who did not return to the Bolsheviks and remained, made up the so-called old emigration. At the same time, a new emigration arose, and these were Russians who left their homeland. sixth wave political emigration ( and the second after October 1917.). The new emigration was predominantly made up of di-pee displaced persons (displaced persons). There were about 1.5 million of them after the end of World War II. Among them were Soviet citizens, including Russian prisoners of war who were forcibly taken to Europe, as well as war criminals and collaborators who sought to avoid well-deserved retribution. All of them relatively easily obtained preferential rights to immigrant visas to the United States: the embassy of this country did not check for former loyalty to the fascist regimes.
Altogether in different countries In the world only with the assistance of the International Organization for Refugees, about 150 thousand Russians and Ukrainians were resettled, more than half in the USA and approximately 15 17% in Australia and Canada. At the same time, refugees began to be called victims of the Nazi or fascist regimes, and collaborators, and those who, under the conditions of Stalinist totalitarianism, were persecuted due to political convictions. Lastly, US President Truman asked for special assistance and support on the grounds that among them there are capable and courageous fighters against communism. As the Cold War gained momentum, the governments of many European countries did not prevent the creation of new emigre organizations opposed to the USSR, as well as the renewal of old ones. They united the so-called young emigration with those representatives of the old who did not dare to leave at the invitation of the USSR government. The process developed in parallel with the continuation of the return, with the propaganda deployed Soviet Union in order to encourage immigrants to return to their homeland. But in general, the appearance of the 50s. determines not the desire to return, not remigration, but strokes and features cold war. That is why the number of emigrants, immigrants from the USSR, in the 50s. dropped sharply. Some idea of this is given by Canadian statistics, which testify to the reduction in the number of Russian emigrants settling in this country by dozens of times in one decade (the beginning of the 50s and the beginning of the 60s). Unfortunately, as in other countries, there was no identification of emigrants from the USSR by ethnicity, and until the beginning of 1991, when the nationality was more accurately recorded in the questionnaires, all those who left our country were considered Russians.
What was the reason for the decline in the number of political emigrants leaving Russia? The post-war problem of displaced persons was, in one way or another, solved or has already been solved. USSR separated from others European countries and the US Iron Curtain. Construction Berlin Wall in the early 60s. meant that the last window to Europe was closing. The only way to get abroad for permanent residence in the 50-60s. there was a non-return of members of official delegations and rare tourist groups. However, these were isolated cases.
New and last before perestroika political emigration from Russia arose in the late 60s. together with the movement of dissidents, dissidents. It is believed that it was based (in order of importance) on national, religious and socio-political factors. The first of those listed for the Russian nation did not matter, the second and third really influenced the growth in the number of people wishing to leave.
The Western press contains conflicting data on the number of people who left the USSR during the years of stagnation. The most common figure is 170,180 thousand people for 1971-1979. and another 300 thousand people for 1970-1985. However, it should be borne in mind that the vast majority of emigrants of that time traveled on Israeli visas (only in 1968-1976, 132,500 visas were issued to travel to Israel). Of course, among those who left were Russians, mostly dissidents, who were pushed out of the country on Israeli visas, but were not Jews (for example, E. Limonov), as well as Russian members of Jewish families. However, to determine the number of Russians who left in the total number of emigrants of the 69-70s. while there is no possibility.
Of the three components of the last wave of political emigration from Russia of non-returning, the new (third in history) emigration of cultural figures in search of creative freedom and better conditions for it, and the forced emigration of Soviet dissidents, the last two often merged. Motives for the departure of prominent figures Soviet culture were most often economic, sometimes political or creative, and usually both. Less often, people left of their own free will, more often at the request to leave the country, coming from the competent authorities. As for purely political dissidents, whose identification is usually associated with the events of 1968, their social composition was mainly representatives of technical professions, less often students, persons with a secondary education, much less often specialists in the field of the humanities. A figure in the dissident movement in the USSR, then deported abroad, A. A. Amalrik writes: In 1976 in Amsterdam, my old acquaintance L. Chertkov recalled how ten years ago everyone laughed at my prediction that they would soon start deporting people not only to Siberia but also abroad. Expulsion from the country, one of the oldest forms of political reprisal, was impossible during the period of multimillion-dollar repressions that the authorities wanted to hide from the world; but with selective repressions and with public protest within the country, the return to expulsion as a repressive measure is understandable, it does not contradict the principle of a closed society "the deported person can stir up trouble" abroad, but not in the USSR.
The first expulsions of dissidents date back to 1972: then they were arranged as a voluntary desire to leave, since deprivation of citizenship for actions incompatible with the title of Soviet citizen required a special decree of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. A definite milestone in the history of the emigration of Soviet dissidents was 1975, the year of the signing of the Helsinki Act, since then the problem of human rights arose, including the right to emigrate. The US Congress passed the Jackson-Vanek Amendment, stating that the status of most favored nation in trade with the United States will be granted only to those countries that do not obstruct their citizens when leaving. This prompted part of the dissidents in the USSR to formalize the movement for ensuring the right to leave, and allowed the Soviet authorities to present each forced expulsion as a humane act. Later, a third way was opened to send abroad people who did not agree with the political regime in the USSR (in addition to deprivation of citizenship and voluntary departure): it was the exchange of political prisoners. Of course, in the 70s. the number of people who left and were expelled for political reasons was negligible, but, as A. D. Sakharov noted, it was not a matter of arithmetic, but of a qualitative fact of breaking through the psychological barrier of silence.
Simultaneously with the last wave of political emigration from Russia (1970s), a new flow of people leaving for religious reasons began to take shape in the USSR. It's about about the Pentecostals, who at that time numbered several hundred thousand people. This religious movement in its present form has existed in Russia since the beginning of the 20th century, however, the Pentecostals were not registered in the Council for Religions and Cults, created in 1945. A conflict arose with the authorities, the cause of which was their antisocial activity, which was understood as the very refusal of the Pentecostals to register, as well as to perform military service. Constant discrimination in civil and private life contributed to the fact that back in the late 40s. the doctrine of the Pentecostals was supplemented by the idea of exodus from the USSR. It was based on the belief that the cup of the wrath of the Lord was about to overtake this godless country, so that the duty of true Christians is to strive for the outcome. The first list of those wishing to leave was drawn up in 1965, but it was not until the spring of 1973 that a consistent movement for leaving began. Members of the communities turned to the authorities, who demanded that they call from relatives or governments of those countries where they were going to go. Since 1974, Pentecostals began to appeal to the President of the United States and to the Christians of the world. The year of the Helsinki Conference added to their hopes. Foreign correspondents found out about them, and one of the emigre periodicals, the Chronicle of Current Events, in each issue reported on the situation of Pentecostals in the USSR. In addition, unlike Jews and Germans, Pentecostals could not motivate their request to leave by the desire to live in their historical homeland. In February 1977, more than 1,000 Jews declared their desire to leave the USSR for religious reasons. people, about 30 thousand people in 1979. Open persecution began, and from the beginning of the 80s, arrests, which continued until 1985, when decisive changes came. 10 thousand people, among them many Pentecostals.
The emigration of the 70s and early 80s, which consisted mainly of dissident intelligentsia, has recently been replaced by new, perestroika wave leaving forever the Russian homeland. It can be called the last (third in the history of Russia) wave of economic emigration, since political emigration has now been reduced to nothing, and the emigration of scientists and cultural figures is most often reduced to economic emigration. Nevertheless, the motives of those leaving Russia in the last 5-6 years are conditionally divided into industrial (scientific, creative) and economic (non-scientific, denim-sausage, as the well-known film director N. Mikhalkov harshly described them). Motives of the first kind are explained by the conflict nature of creative teams, the lack of funds in the homeland for the development of culture, the impossibility of creative self-realization of the individual, etc. Motives of the second kind have always existed. And as soon as the right to emigrate began to be realized in the USSR, those who did not find opportunities in the country to organize a prosperous life were drawn abroad. A combination of social ills hastened their departure.
In total, during the years of perestroika, 6,100 people left the USSR: in 1985, 39,129; in 1988, 108,189; in 1989, 234,994; Israeli visas and settled in Israel, but not all were Jews (3%, or about 3,000 people, in 1990 alone). A significant part went to Germany 32%, and 5.3% to Greece, 2.9% to the USA, the rest remained in other European countries and on other continents. According to the State Statistics Committee, the average age of those departing today is 30 years old, 2/3 of them are men, 34% of departing employees, 31% workers, 2% collective farmers, 4% students, 25% unemployed people and pensioners. It is significant that among those who applied for departure in the early 1990s. 99.3% of citizens do not speak any language other than Russian.
The tactics of moving those departing from Russia for creative reasons are different. The scientists A. Yurevich, D. Aleksandrov, A. Alakhverdyan, and others working on the program Social-Psychological Problems of Migration list four types of people leaving. The first is associated with the departure of the elite one percent of famous scientists who, after moving, are offered laboratories and institutes. The second type is those who leave with the expectation of help from relatives abroad. Still others are those who leave according to the directory, that is, those who, before leaving, look for a job for themselves while still in their homeland. Finally, the fourth are those who leave on the principle of no matter where, here it will be even worse.
It is estimated that of all those who decide to leave Russia for good, about half get a job abroad in their specialty. Most of all, physicists left, followed by mathematicians and biologists. Other representatives exact sciences, as well as doctors, linguists, musicians, ballet dancers fit into foreign countries relatively easily. The average income of immigrant families from former USSR in America, the press reported in April 1991, was higher than the income of the average American. But not only those who are expected there go abroad. For economic reasons, people who simply feel their material instability have come from Russia.
And as the former USSR opened the floodgates, foreign governments introduced quotas. Already in 1992, it became difficult to obtain refugee status as a victim of communist persecution, an argument that worked flawlessly during the years of stagnation. A bloodless Russian invasion (as all citizens of the former USSR are still called) began to fear many countries, refusing to grant permanent residence permits. So did Denmark, Norway, Italy, Sweden. Switzerland, Spain, Germany, Australia, England, France have sharply reduced reception.
At the same time, quotas for entry into foreign countries only limit, but do not stop, departure from our country. A number of states even declared their readiness to receive an increasing number of former Soviet citizens annually: Canada increased its quota to 250,000, and the United States to 600,700,000 people a year. Therefore, only in 1991-1992. Russian and foreign sociologists predicted up to 2.5 million emigrants from Eastern Europe, and up to 25 million people were called potential emigrants. Up to a quarter of today's children from major cities, according to a sociological survey, are ready to leave in the future (23% versus 63% who chose their homeland). It is likely that the upward trend in emigration will continue in the next 5-10 years.
The number of compatriots currently living abroad (about 20 million people) includes 1.3 million ethnic Russians. Since the beginning of the 90s. the desire to cooperate with them, the readiness to establish contacts and international exchanges became especially noticeable. In turn, the Russians themselves, living abroad, began to increasingly form associations in order to preserve national traditions, maintain the Russian spirit, the Russian direction. Our compatriots have played and are playing a significant role in collecting humanitarian aid for Russia and in various charitable acts. Russian-language periodicals also play a huge unifying role today.
In August 1991, at the First Congress of Compatriots, held in Moscow, representatives Russian government and the Supreme Council emphasized that now there are no differences between the waves of Russian emigration, they are all our compatriots and the division of emigration into progressive neutralist reactionary loses all meaning. Agreeing with this, N. Mirza, the representative of the Supreme Council of Russia in the organizing committee of the Congress, stressed: Nationality does not matter. The main thing is the preserved Russian language and cultural affiliation.
Pushkareva N. L.
15.06.2002
Pushkareva N.L. The emergence and formation of the Russian diaspora abroad // "Domestic History". - 1996. - 1 - S. 53-65
USSR →
Russia
Natalya Lvovna Pushkareva(born September 23, Moscow) - Russian historian, anthropologist, founder of historical feminology and gender history in Soviet and Russian science, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Head. sector of ethnogender studies, President of the Russian Association of Women's History Researchers (RAIZhI).
Biography
Born in Moscow, in a family of famous historians, doctors of historical sciences Lev Nikitovich Pushkarev and Irina Mikhailovna Pushkareva. She graduated from the Faculty of History of Moscow State University, postgraduate and doctoral studies at the Institute of Ethnography (now). Since 1987 he has been working at this institute, since 2008 he has been in charge of the sector of ethno-gender studies. Corr. Member calls his main teachers in science. of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR V. T. Pashuto, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences V. L. Yanin, Academician of the Russian Academy of Education I. S. Kon, Professor Yu. L. Bessmertny.
Scientific and teaching activities
The main result of the research work of N. L. Pushkareva is the creation of a national school of historical feminology and gender history. Her PhD thesis, defended in 1985, marked the beginning of gender studies in Soviet science. She formed a scientific direction, creating a methodological and organizational basis for the development of feminological and, more broadly, gender studies in the USSR, and then in modern Russia. The research and scientific-organizational activity of N. L. Pushkareva has received wide recognition both among Russian scientists and abroad.
N. L. Pushkareva is the author of more than 400 scientific and over 150 popular science publications, including 9 monographs and a dozen collections of scientific articles, in which she acted as a compiler, responsible. editor, author of prefaces. In 1989-2005 repeatedly lectured on the history of Russian women, women's and gender studies at universities in Russia (in Tambov, Ivanovo, Tomsk, Kostroma, etc.), CIS countries (in Kharkov, Minsk), foreign universities (in Germany, France, USA, Switzerland, Austria, the Netherlands, Bulgaria, Hungary).
Under the guidance of prof. N. L. Pushkareva wrote and defended several candidate and doctoral dissertations.
Editorial and expert activity
In 1994-1997 - N. L. Pushkareva led the column "History of Private Life" in the historical magazine "Rodina". Since 1996, he has been the editor of the Cult of Ancestors column in the Motherhood magazine. Since 2007, N. L. Pushkareva has been the editor-in-chief of the Yearbook “ social history».
Since 1997 - to the present - a member of a number of editorial boards and editorial boards ("Gender Studies", "Bulgarian Ethnology" (Sofia), the journals "Blank Spots of Russian and World History", " modern science: Actual problems theory and practice” (series “Humanities”), “Historical psychology and social history”, “Glasnik SANU” (Belgrade), “Adam and Eve. Almanac of gender history”, “Dictionary of the Russian language of the XI-XVII centuries”, “Aspasia. Yearbook of gender history, book series"Gender Studies", etc.), Interuniversity Scientific Council "Feminology and Gender Studies". Since 2010 - Bulletin of Tverskoy state university, Bulletin of the Perm State University, since 2012 - the journal "Historical Psychology and Social History" (Moscow).
In 1996-1999 - Member of the Scientific Council of the Moscow Center for Gender Studies, in 1997-2006. - director of training and scientific programs, co-organizer of the Russian Summer Schools on Women's and Gender Studies. Member expert advice Russian Humanitarian Foundation, MacArthur Foundation, Open Society Foundation (“Soros Foundation”), Canadian Gender Equality Foundation, expert-evaluator of the VI Program of the European Union 2002-2006, head of the Expert Group of the Council for the Consolidation of the Women's Movement in Russia.
Social activity
N. L. Pushkareva is one of the leaders of the feminist movement in Russia and the CIS countries. Since 2002, she has been President of the Russian Association of Women's History Researchers (RAIZhI, www.rarwh.ru). Since 2010 she has been a member of the Executive Committee of the International Federation of Researchers of Women's History (IFIJI) and Head of the Russian National Committee of the IFIJI.
Family
- Father - Doctor of Historical Sciences, leading researcher Institute Russian history RAS L. N. Pushkarev.
- Mother - Doctor of Historical Sciences, leading researcher Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences I. M. Pushkareva.
- Son - Ph.D. A. M. Pushkarev.
Bibliography
Dissertations
- PhD thesis:"The position of a woman in the family and society of Ancient Russia X-XIII centuries"; defended in 1985 at the Faculty of History of Moscow State University;
- Doctoral dissertation:“A woman in a Russian family of the 10th - early 19th century. Dynamics of socio-cultural changes”; defended in 1997 at the Academic Council of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Monographs
- Pushkareva N.L. Women of Ancient Russia. - M.: "Thought", 1989.
- Pushkareva N.L., Aleksandrov V.A., Vlasova I.V. Russians: ethnoterritory, settlement, population, historical fate (XII-XX centuries). - M.: IEA RAN, 1995; 2nd ed. - M.: IEA RAN, 1998.
- Pushkareva N.L. Women of Russia and Europe on the threshold of the New Age. - M.: IEA RAN, 1996.
- Women in Russian History from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century. New York: M.E. Sharp, 1997 (Heldt-Prise, "Book of the Year - 1997").
- Pushkareva N.L. Ethnography of the Eastern Slavs in foreign studies (1945-1990). - St. Petersburg: "BLITZ", 1997.
- Pushkareva N.L. Private life of a woman in pre-industrial Russia. X - the beginning of the XIX century. Bride, wife, lover. - M.: "Ladomir", 1997.
- Pushkareva N.L.“And these sins are evil, mortal…” Vol. 1. Sexual culture in pre-Petrine Russia. - M.: "Ladomir", 1999; issue 2. (in 3 volumes) Russian sexual and erotic culture in the studies of the 19th-20th centuries. M.: Ladomir, 2004.
- Pushkareva N.L. Russian woman: history and modernity. - M.: "Ladomir", 2002.
- Pushkareva N.L. Gender theory and historical knowledge. - St. Petersburg: "Aletheya", 2007.
- Pushkareva N.L. Private life of a woman in ancient Russia and Muscovy. - M.: "Lomonosov", 2011.
- Pushkareva N.L. The private life of a Russian woman in the 18th century. - M.: "Lomonosov", 2012.
A complete list of scientific and popular science publications is on the personal website.
Links
Interview
- Vesta Borovikova Natalya Pushkareva: I'll give myself a coat! // "Evening Moscow", March 6, 2002 No. 42 (23358) S. 4
Chief Researcher, Head of the Sector of Ethnogender Studies, President of the Russian Association of Women's History Researchers, Head of the Russian National Committee at the International Federation of Women's History Researchers, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor
Scientific interests:
theory and methodology of gender studies, ethnology of the Russian family, gender, sexuality, history of the women's movement in Russia, history of Russian traditional life and everyday life, historiography. Since 1987 he has been working at the institute.
PhD thesis:
“The position of a woman in the family and society of Ancient Russia” was defended in 1985. Doctoral thesis: - “A woman in the Russian family: the dynamics of sociocultural changes in the 10th - 19th centuries.” in 1997
Since 2001 - Professor at the Department of National History (07.00.02)
The main result of the research work Pushkareva N.L. - recognition of the direction of gender studies and the history of women (historical feminology) in the domestic humanities. Most written by Pushkareva N.L. books and articles devoted to the history of women in Russia and Europe: Women of Ancient Russia (1989, 21 pp), Women of Russia and Europe on the threshold of the New Age (1996, 18 pp), Private life of a woman in pre-industrial Russia. (X - early XIX century) (1997, 22 pp.), Russian woman: history and modernity (2002, 33.5 pp.), Gender theory and historical knowledge (2007, 21 pp.) The Association of American Slavists book Pushkareva N.L. Women in Russian History from the 10th to the 20th Century (New York, 1997, 2nd ed. - 1998, 20 pp.) tutorial at US universities.
Works by N.L. Pushkareva have a high citation index among historians, sociologists, psychologists, culturologists. Source study and publication work of Pushkareva N.L. presents a 2-volume edition “And these are evil sins ... (X - early XX century)” (1999-2004, in 2 volumes, 4 issues, 169 printed sheets). Information-analytical - databases: (1) Property rights of Russian women of the 16th century. (based on processing over 12,000 private records, 1999) (2) Study of the history of Russian women 1800-2000 (7500 bibliographical titles, 2005).
In 1989, at the XVII International Congress of Historical Sciences in Madrid, Pushkareva N.L. was elected to the International Association of Researchers of Women's History (IFIZhI) as a permanent representative - initially from the USSR (now from Russia). Since 1997 she is a series expert foreign funds and programs, including the VI program of the European Union "Integration and strengthening of the European scientific area (Brussels, 2002-2006), the Institute for Social and Gender Policy at the Open Society Foundation, the C. and J. MacArthur Foundation, the Canadian Foundation for Gender Equality. Reading a course of lectures "Fundamentals of gender theory for historians", Pushkareva N.L. taught at universities of the Russian Federation (in Tambov, Ivanovo, Tomsk, Kostroma, etc.), the CIS (in Kharkov, Minsk), and foreign universities (in Germany, France, the USA, Switzerland, Austria, the Netherlands, Bulgaria, Hungary). Supervises graduate and doctoral students.
N.L. Pushkareva - editor-in-chief electronic journal"Social History" (registered in the Russian Science Citation Index, a Russian periodical). She is also a member of the editorial boards of renowned refereed journals such as The Woman in Russian society”, “Historical psychology and sociology of history”, international yearbook “Aspasia. Yearbook of gender history" (Amsterdam), journal "Bulgarian Ethnology" (Sofia), interdisciplinary yearbook "Gender Studies" (St. Petersburg), almanac of gender history "Adam and Eve" (Moscow), expert council of the editorial board of the book series "Gender Studies" publishing house "Aletheia", is a member of the editorial boards and editorial boards of several regional university Bulletins.
NL Pushkareva has been a member of the Interuniversity Scientific Council "Feminology and Gender Studies" since the first days of its creation. In 1996-1999 - Member of the Scientific Council of the Moscow Center for Gender Studies, in 1997-2009 - director of educational and scientific programs, co-organizer of the Russian Summer Schools on Women's and Gender Studies. Member of the expert councils of the K. and J. MacArthur Foundation, the Open Society Foundation (Soros Foundation), the Canadian Foundation for Gender Equality, the editorial and publishing board of the Institute for Social and Gender Policy at the OLF.
In 2017, N.L. Pushkareva was awarded by the American Association for Women in Slavic and East European Studies for many years of selfless work in creating a scientific school in the field of women's and gender studies.
In 2018, the Federal Agency for Scientific Organizations of Russia awarded her with a certificate of honor “for impeccable work and high achievements in professional activities.”
Since 2002, N.L. Pushkareva heads the Russian Association of Researchers of Women's History (RAIZhI, www.rarwh.ru) - a non-profit organization that brings together all those interested in the social role of sex and gender and is a member of the International Federation of Researchers of Women's History (IFRWH). RAIJI holds regular conferences and brings together over 400 researchers of women's and gender history in more than 50 cities of the Russian Federation. N.L. Pushkareva is the author of more than 530 scientific and over 150 popular science publications, including 11 monographs and two dozen collections of scientific articles, in which she acted as a compiler, responsible. editor, author of prefaces. More than two hundred works of N.L. Pushkareva are published in publications or are publications indexed by the RSCI, the number of citations is over 6000. Hirsch index - 41
Monographs and collections of articles:
1. Women of Ancient Russia. M.: "Thought", 1989.
2. Russians: ethnoterritory, settlement, population, historical fate (XII-XX centuries). M.: IEA RAS, 1995 (co-authored with V.A. Aleksandrov and I.V. Vlasova) 2nd edition: M.: IEA RAS, 1998.
3. Women of Russia and Europe on the threshold of the New Age. M.: IEA RAN, 1996.