Russia and the steppe chronicle of the development of events. Abstract Ancient Russia and the Great Steppe. Relationship problems. As well as other works that may interest you

The influence of the Jews on the history of the Khazar Khaganate. The peculiarity of the life of the Pechenegs after the conclusion of the Russian-Byzantine peace in 971. The main periods in the development of Russian-Polovtsian relations. Construction of an approximate model of the relationship between Russia and the steppe.

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St. Petersburg state academy veterinary medicine

Department of organization, economics and management of veterinary business

ESSAY

By discipline:Story

Subject: Russia and the steppeIX- first thirdXIIIcenturies)

Performed:

Sergeeva D. BUT.

Checked:

Igumnov E.V.

Saint Petersburg 2016

INTRODUCTION

1. PEOPLES OF THE STEPPE

1.1 Khazars

1.2 Pechenegs

1.3 Cumans

CHAPTER 2. RUSSIA AND THE STEPPE. RELATIONSHIP PROBLEM

2.1 Favorable aspects of relationships

2.2 Conflicts and enmity of Russia and the steppe

2.3 Influence of the centuries-old neighborhood

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INTRODUCTION

History is written and rewritten every day. Every person tries to interpret any of the events that have ever happened, “for himself”, for his feelings and attitude. Therefore, in libraries for many centuries, a huge amount of scientific, artistic, and journalistic literature has accumulated. Often, authors contradict each other, expressing polar opinions on the same issue.

The theme "Russia and the steppe" is not completely new. Although the events considered below refer to a period of time quite far from the 21st century, their relevance does not disappear, and a lot of controversial facts and opinions have already accumulated about them. Sometimes authors manage to contradict not only themselves, but also common sense in search of questions of truth. How, for example, is it generally possible to answer unambiguously one of the main questions - "Russia and the steppe - friends or enemies?" In the research work, set out below, the problem of the relationship between Russia and the steppe from the 9th to the beginning of the 13th centuries was considered. At the same time, the goal was not to answer the question "friends or foes?" in the format of a subjective opinion, but rather try to find arguments “for and against” to both positions, adhering to neutrality, and also capture not only the designated historical framework, but also trace the sequence of the most important events that occurred before the specified period. This, however, does not mean that the work is focused on all the peoples of the steppe who had contact with the Slavs. In the period of interest, the most significant steppe neighbors were the Khazars, Pechenegs and Polovtsy. They will be discussed below.

For this, specific tasks were formulated, namely:

1. Studying the history of the most remarkable peoples of the steppe of the 9th - 13th centuries (Khazars, Pechenegs, Polovtsy)

2. Building an approximate model of the relationship between Russia and the steppe

1. PEOPLES OF THE STEPPE

1.1 Xazars

Among all the peoples that inhabited the steppe in the 9th century, it is especially necessary to single out the Khazar. The incredible history of the Khazars, who managed to rise from the position of one of the numerous nomadic tribes of the Ogur group to the influential Khazar Khaganate, is certainly interesting and deserves special attention.

The emergence of a strong and influential Khazar Khaganate was a slow process. The first settlements of the Khazars were in the lower reaches of the Terek and along the banks of the Caspian Sea. At that time, the water level in the sea was much lower than today, and therefore the territory of the Volga delta extended much more extensively and reached the Buzachi peninsula (an extension of Mangyshlak). The region, rich in fish, forests and green meadows, was an incredibly beautiful find for the Khazars, who migrated to these places from the territory of modern Dagestan. The Khazars brought with them and sowed Dagestan grapes to their new homeland, which still remains one of the few evidences of their resettlement in these lands.

Relations with the Turks are closely connected with the process of the rise of the Khazars. In the middle of the 7th century. The state of the Khazar Khaganate arises, headed by a kagan (khakan) and a governor bek. The militant Turkic khans and beks led Khazaria, becoming a kind of stronghold of defense (in the 7th-8th centuries, the Khazars were forced to go to war with the Arabs advancing through the Caucasus). The onslaught of southern enemies eventually had a considerable impact on
the geopolitical history of Khazaria - its population moved to safer areas of the Don and Volga regions. The emergence of the new Khazar capital Itil, located in the lower reaches of the Volga, marks the beginning of the so-called "reorientation to the north."

1- Gumilyov L.N. From Russia to Russia. - St. Petersburg: Lenizdat, 2008, p. 31-33

The influence of the Jews strongly affects the history of the Khazar Khaganate. The policy of the state is changing, now all forces are concentrating on active international trade. Beneficial relations with China are under close scrutiny and direct control of the Jews. The caravans that traveled from China to the West most often belonged to this enterprising people, so that countless wealth, silks, and slaves accumulated in the Volga region. S.F. Platonov wrote: "Itil and Sarkel (on the Don) were huge markets where Asian merchants traded with European ones and Mohammedans, Jews, pagans and Christians converged at the same time."

By the 9th century, the Jews had long since gotten rid of the Turkic military nobility and used the military services of Gurgan. Al-Mas "udi in his work "The Book of Warning and Review" ("Kitab at-tanbih wa-l-ishraf") reports that the Khazar king in Itil had Russ and Slavs, who also formed part of the Khazar army2 "The conditions for all the mercenaries were the same and very simple: high pay and obligatory victories. However, this glorious time of service for the Rus ends incredibly sadly - with the death of the entire duzhina on a campaign against the Daylemites in 913. But a little earlier, the threat is brewing from the north. And now it will begin consideration of the most important events of the 9th century - the confrontation between the Old Russian state and the Khazars.

The Khazars spread their power to the west, conquer the Volga Bulgars and conquer the Crimea and Kyiv after the events of the 7th-8th centuries, and for some time the Slavic tribes of the Polyans, Severyans, Radimichi and Vyatichi paid tribute to the Khazar Khagan. In The Tale of Bygone Years, this event is noted in very lively terms: “the meadows, having consulted, gave a sword from the smoke. And the Khazars took them to their prince and to their elders and said to them: “Behold,

2- Melnikova E.A. Ancient Russia in the light of foreign sources. - M.: Logos, 1999, p. 221-222 we seized a new tribute. They also asked them: “From where?” They answered: "In the forest on the mountains above the Dnieper River." Again they said: “And what did they give?” They showed the sword. And the Khazar elders said: “This is not a good tribute, prince: we found it with weapons sharp only on one side, that is, sabers, and these weapons are double-edged, that is, swords: they will someday collect tribute from us, and from other lands."

Knyazky I.O. that “the Khazar yoke was not particularly difficult and fearless for the Dnieper Slavs. On the contrary, by depriving the Eastern Slavs of external independence, it brought them great economic benefits. Well, it's really hard to disagree with that. As mentioned above, the Khazars actively established trade, and by the 9th century they had long ceased to be the Turkic tribe that they were at the very beginning of their journey. The nomadic way of life gave way to a sedentary one, life and crafts changed. Therefore, the Slavs only nominally lost because of obedience to the Khazars, but in reality the Russians were drawn into an environment so favorable for their own development that it is very difficult to deny the undoubted advantages of such interaction.

Neither the attacks of the Arabs nor the campaigns of the Persians were reflected in the Slavs either. Khazaria served as a powerful shield against these threats for its northern neighbors. So the relations between the Slavs and the Khazars can hardly be unambiguously called unfavorable for both sides, especially since in the 9th - 10th centuries. Khazaria was one of the richest countries in Europe. But the power of the Khazar Khaganate gradually weakened due to complicated relations with Byzantium, where the adoption of Judaism by the Khazar elite was very cold, and then also because of the continuous struggle with the nomadic hordes of the Magyars and Pechenegs, and the threat from the south did not disappear. Part of Khazaria even went to the Arabs, and soon an even more serious conflict with the strengthened Kievan Rus was brewing.

Summing up subsequent events, it should be noted that Kyiv after the death of 3-Knyazky I.O. Russia and the steppe. - M.: 1996, p. 17-18

Igor, who was collecting tribute for the Khazars in the Drevlyane land, was most concerned not with the war with Byzantium, which Khazaria diligently fomented, but with confrontation with the Khaganate itself. Princess Olga even went to Constantinople in order to acquire a strong ally in the person of the Greeks. There she was baptized in 955 (according to other sources - in 946). And it was her son Svyatoslav who managed to inflict such a blow on the Khazar Khaganate, from which he was never destined to recover. Remarkably, the allies of Kyiv in the campaign of 964-965. Pechenegs and Guzes perform. A young strong prince along the Oka and the Volga reaches the capital of Khazaria, cuts off all the ways from Itil. It is important to note that the Khazar population proper fled much earlier to the Volga delta, which was impassable for any non-indigenous inhabitant, and left its Jewish exploiters to certain death. Thus, several centuries of oppression of the Khazars, the adoption of a new religion and excessive confidence in the complete inviolability of the power of the Jews turned into a bad side.

On the Terek River, Svyatoslav takes another Khazar city - Semender, which did not escape even with a citadel. And the grandiose campaign against Khazaria ends with the capture of Sarkel. Of course, not all of the Jewish-Khazar population was destroyed: in the Kuban, in the northern Crimea and Tmutarakan, it still held a dominant position and financial influence. But the main thing for Kievan Rus was the return of independence, which the state gained after this glorious campaign. But only having freed itself from one enemy, Russia gained another. This time the steppe borders are beginning to be threatened by another Turkic people- Pechenegs.

1.2 PChechenegs

In the VIII - IX centuries, an alliance of nomadic tribes - the Pechenegs - formed on the territory of North Asia. Although in other states they are called differently: in Europe and Greece - "patsinaks" or "pachinakites", the Arabs say - "bejnak" and "badzhana", the name "Pecheneg" could occur, according to S.A. Pletneva, on behalf of the hypothetical leader of the union of tribes - Beche4.

But the Pechenegs were not destined to live in Asia for long, already at the end of the 9th century they were forced out of their native places both by climatic changes and by the neighboring tribes of Kimaks and Oguzes. However, for the hardy Pechenegs, the conquest of lands of Eastern Europe poses no particular difficulty. The nomads, who are constantly looking for new places for pastures, engaged in cattle breeding and capable of riding their strong horses day and night, pushed back the Hungarians and occupied the territory from the Danube to the Volga, becoming forever the neighbors of Russia, Byzantium and Bulgaria. The Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus writes in great detail about their settlement and customs.

In the X - XI centuries. the Pechenegs were at the "tabor" stage of nomadism, i.e. moved from place to place in large groups - clans. Managed
such groups of tribal nobility, headed by the "archon" (leader, khan). Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus wrote: “After the death of these<архонтов>power was inherited by their cousins, for the law was established with them and ancient custom according to which they had no dignity to pass on to children or to their brothers; it was enough for those who owned it that they ruled during their lives. Summarizing the above, one can see that the Pecheneg society had a patriarchal-clan structure5.

The appearance of such a strong union of nomads at hand extremely excited the neighboring states. But the rulers were not only afraid of their raids, they were more horrified by temporary alliances with other neighbors. So both Byzantium and Russia tried to keep on their side, albeit an unreliable, but powerful ally in the face of the Pechenegs. The latter constantly rushed from one side to the other: so in 968 they unsuccessfully besieged Kyiv, and already in 970 they took part in the battle of Arcadiopol on the side

4- Pletneva S.A. Pechenegs, Torks and Cumans in the South Russian steppes. - MIA, No 62. M.-L., 1958, p.226

5- Knyazky I.O. Russia and the steppe. - M.: 1996, p. 40-57

Svyatoslav Igorevich. After the conclusion of the Russian-Byzantine peace in 971, the Pechenegs again take the hostile side towards Russia, and in 972 they even kill Svyatoslav Igorevich at the Dnieper rapids. The Tale of Bygone Years says: “And Kurya, the Pecheneg prince, attacked him, and they killed Svyatoslav, and took his head, and made a cup from the skull, bound him, and drank from it.”

During the short reign of Yaropolk (972-980), Russian-Pecheneg clashes do not occur, which, however, more than pays off under the next Prince Vladimir the Holy. First, against the backdrop of strengthening the borders of the empire in the Lower Danube (through the efforts of John Tzimisces, and then Vasily II the Bulgar Slayer), then the final formation of the Kingdom of Hungary beyond the Carpathians in the Middle Danube, the campaigns of the Pechenegs were very complicated. But here is Russia, even if it has strengthened its military force, was the closest neighbor, which made it the most attackable state. The Kyiv prince fought them in 993, and in 995, and in 997. This truly “heroic” period in the history of Russia left behind many legends, epic heroes and various legends. But the raids of the Pechenegs were so frequent that, in an attempt to strengthen the borders of Russia, Vladimir had to act quickly and thoughtfully. N.M. Karamzin wrote about this: “Wishing to more conveniently educate the people and protect southern Russia from the robbery of the Pechenegs, Grand Duke founded new cities along the rivers Desna, Oster, Trubezh, Sula, Stern and populated them with Novgorod Slavs, Krivichi, Chud, Vyatichi.

During civil strife in Russia, the Pechenegs take the side of Svyatopolk the Accursed, and after only once more (in 1036) they approach Kyiv during the reign of Yaroslav the Wise, but suffer a crushing defeat. It should be noted that in 1038, most of the Pecheneg tribes were forced to move beyond the Danube to the Byzantine Empire under the pressure of Torks (bonds), which for a short time become the strongest nomads, until the new Polovtsy tribe displaces them too, for a long time taking dominance over the vast expanses of the steppe territories. Khazar Khaganate Polovtsian steppe

1.3 Ptins

From the middle of the ninth century to Mongol invasion the steppe is dominated by the Polovtsians. This people did not leave behind any material objects. Unless the stately stone idols (either idols, or tombstones, or just milestones on the road), made by the steppe dwellers very carefully and in detail, remind of those times when a nomadic tribe could grow overnight, become powerful, disintegrate, and then disappear forever6. But the impact on neighboring states, meanwhile, the Polovtsian people had a colossal. Russian history, the history of the Kingdom of Hungary, Byzantium, the Second Bulgarian Empire, the Latin Empire of the Crusaders, Georgia and even Mameluke Egypt will find a lot important events associated with this tribe.

It is difficult to clearly and clearly answer the question of where, how and why this tribe came. Knyazky I.O. comments on this as follows: “The Polovtsian people were the western branch of the Kipchaks, from the middle of the 11th century. occupying vast expanses of the Eurasian steppes. Since that time, the steppe space from the Lower Danube to the Irtysh has been called Desht-i-Kipchak - the Kipchak steppe. The question of the origin of the Polovtsy is one of the toughest problems history of the Turkic nomadic peoples”7. It is interesting that the close connection of the Polovtsy and the Turks resulted in a mixture of customs and legends, and in general awarded the former with many of the cultural heritage that developed during the time of the Khazar Khaganate.

Researchers even argue about what the Polovtsy looked like. The fact is that the eastern branch of the Polovtsy was called "kuns", which means "light", and the western branch - "sars", and this word has a similar meaning in the Turkic language.

6 - Pletneva S.A. Polovtsian stone statues. M., 1974, p.17,18,21

7 - Knyazky I.O. Russia and the steppe. - M.: 1996, p. 40-41

But their customs and rituals were different. Was it one Caucasian fair-haired people? Or are they still characterized by the appearance of the Mongoloid race? It is quite possible that one branch of the Polovtsy, like other nomads, changed the main phenotype of appearance while moving across the steppe, collecting many features in itself. Or maybe the name “light, yellow” was given for completely different reasons.

One way or another, crowding out other peoples, two branches of the Polovtsian people alternately come to the steppes of the Northern Black Sea region. Here, subsequently, the Polovtsian land was divided into White Kumania (western Cumans-Sars) and Black Kumania (eastern Cumans-Kuns). By the way, it is precisely with the borders of Black Cumania that the spread of stone statues, which have already been reported above, coincides. In the steppes between the Bug and the Dniester, “wild Cumans” roamed, and on the territory of the Lower Danube, an association of Polovtsians from the Danube formed. However, neither the first nor the last became states.

In Russian chronicles, the fact of the arrival of nomads did not remain undescribed. The first appearance of the Polovtsy on the borders with the steppe dates back to 1055. Then peace was concluded between Vsevolod and the nomads, but just a few years later, in 1061, the Polovtsy again came to Russia, now with a raid, but they were defeated.

A successful campaign was first made by the Polovtsians-Kuns, who came later than their fellow Sars, under the leadership of Sokal (Iskala). At this time, one or another military-political alliances. At the time of the campaigns in Russia, they were already quite strong and reliable, the Polovtsy were actively moving to the form of early feudal relations. 20s - 60s XII century; second half of the 12th century; the end of the XII - the first decades of the XIII centuries. (before the Mongol invasion) 8.

At first, the Polovtsy were lucky in the offensive, which they actively used. Only the campaigns of Vladimir Monomakh managed to put an end to this period, and Russia itself went on the offensive, having greatly succeeded. In the second period, the Polovtsy ceased to develop the southern Russian steppes, occupying certain territories no longer as nomads, but on a permanent basis. Relations between the Russian population and the Polovtsy are becoming closer, the steppe people are participating in the internecine struggle in Russia, marriage alliances are being concluded between Russian princes and Polovtsian princesses. Conflicts break out less and less frequently, and during the fourth period, war and skirmishes cease altogether. During the first campaign of the Mongols in Eastern Europe in the Battle of Kalka, Russians and Polovtsy even fight on the same side, although they are defeated.

CHAPTER 2. RUSSIA AND STEPPE. RELATIONSHIP PROBLEM

2.1 Bfavorable aspects of relationships

Certainly useful (although not always pleasant) for any nation is a collision with completely different customs and culture. Even before the formation of Ancient Russia, part of the Eastern Slavs experienced the influence of the steppes. Among the positive aspects of the relationship, it is necessary to highlight the economic benefits that became available to part of the Slavic tribes after falling under the rule of the Khazar Khaganate. The tribute was not burdensome, but entering the Asian market allowed the Slavs to develop trade relations much faster and more actively than before.

But peoples clashed not only in peaceful life. As part of the Khazar troops, it was often possible to meet Slavic mercenaries, to whom, subject to success in military campaigns, such a life brought fame and money. Later, when Kievan Rus got stronger, it was possible to get rid of the influence of the Khazar Khaganate almost immediately, which once again confirms the not too strong power of the Khazars over their northern neighbors.

The Pechenegs, who came after the Khazars, were a much more terrible force. But if it was possible to win them over to their side, as the princes in Russia regularly tried to do, then they became a powerful, albeit not very faithful, support in various raids and confrontations. And also regular raids of nomads forced the princes to build new cities and strengthen existing ones, which, albeit a little, but contributed to the strengthening of Kievan Rus.

The Polovtsy deserve special mention. When the first years of the raids ended, family and military-political alliances between Russia and the Polovtsian land became something commonplace. Both peoples, especially on the borders with each other, changed a lot both externally and internally. Knowledge, customs, and sometimes religion - all this was adopted by the inhabitants of Russia and the Polovtsy from each other. And such relationships most often lead to favorable consequences: each developed to the extent that the culture of the other allowed it, while introducing something of its own.

It is worth noting, however, that for the Russians, the Polovtsy most often remained steppe pagans, "filthy" and "cursed." The status of the Russian princes was higher, the noble princesses from Russia never left for the steppe, did not become the wives of the Polovtsian khans (with some exceptions). Relatively peaceful relations helped to avoid raids and robbery, but did not make the Polovtsians and Russians friends for a century.

The same can be said about all steppes in general. Complete trust was hardly possible in the face of frequent conflicts or ordinary raids, so it is true that Russia was in contact with the Steppe, but never stopped looking after its neighbors.

2.2 Toconflicts and enmityRwuxi and steppes

Although it was mentioned above that the tribute to the Khazar Khaganate was not burdensome, nevertheless, the Slavs did not want to be under the rule of another people. And when, already in the days of Kievan Rus, it was possible to get rid of the oppression of the Khazars, the Pechenegs who came to replace them caused more concern and caused more damage to the Old Russian land. Constant skirmishes with the Pechenegs could not but deplete physical forces people, as they could not help but make him weaker morally. Not every time the Kyiv princes managed to win over the steppes to their side, so Russia was in a constant state of tense expectation, on whose side the Pechenegs would take this time.

Looting, burning villages, capturing - all this no doubt terrified the neighbors of the Pechenegs, and also forced the rulers to try to solve this problem. And the strengthening of the borders of Russia nevertheless contributed to the fact that the Pechenegs were less and less able to win big victories, more and more they switched to small skirmishes, until the developing state became too strong an opponent for them.

The Polovtsy were another wave of fears from Russia, and did not subsequently become a completely friendly people. At first, their raids heavily devastated the borders of Kievan Rus, but then they managed to do this almost completely at first, and then finally stopped. But all alliances were concluded only out of a desire not to give the Polovtsy a chance to renew hostility. The princes of Kyiv were in no way guided by benevolence, but only by the need to maintain peace. The constant fear of an offensive from the side of the steppe made the Russian people intolerant of strangers, moreover, of pagans. It is unlikely that even several centuries of the world could correct the ingrained concepts and stereotypes.

2.3 ATinfluence of centuries-old neighborhood

Neighborhood with the steppe brought a lot of joy and grief to Russia. Constant conflicts weakened the state, but on the other hand made it more resilient, forcing the princes to become more far-sighted politically, and the common people wiser in everyday matters, because some skills could be learned from the steppe dwellers. And trading with them became a common practice, and in general, soon a Russian person could hardly imagine himself without this dangerous, but profitable neighborhood.

It is impossible to exclude a certain influence of the steppe both on cultural, economic, political features, and on, for example, phenotypic ones. Over the many years of close contacts, peoples have changed so much both internally and externally that this stage of history has become quite important. Russia was at enmity with the steppe and traded with it, the peoples killed each other, and entered into marriages. The versatility of relations is so obvious that it would be strange to evaluate it unambiguously. At all times, everything is measured by profit. When it was convenient, Russia and the steppe became friends, and when the importance of the world disappeared and an opportunity arose to betray such a “friend”, the opponent, without hesitation, “stabbed” a knife in his back.

The survival of peoples was much more important than morality, more precisely, modern ideas about it. We must not forget that in those days a lot could depend on whether a hundred or two hundred Pechenegs would come to the rescue, who the Kyiv prince would marry, etc. And the means always justified the end. The goal is to keep power in your hands, the earth under your feet and your head on your shoulders, fighting against a many-sided enemy.

CONCLUSION

The reviewed history of the Khazars, Pechenegs, Polovtsy only brings modern man to understand some historical processes. We see the result, which was, moreover, described by the winners, and passed on to one of the interested parties. The evidence is laconic or completely ambiguous, so to attempt to interpret it would be to ruin any possibility of correct interpretation.

Analyzing the problem of relationships, it would be most correct to say: each did what was most beneficial to him in the presence of the other, until a better opportunity was provided. Russia sought to weaken the enemy, to make peace with him, or to attack and destroy him herself. The steppe acted more bloodthirsty, but, in fact, almost the same way.

Prolonged neighborhood changed both sides. Not for better or for worse, but simply changed, forcing you to adapt to an hourly changing friend, enemy, neighbor, or just - the world. Sometimes the gains were incredibly great and good, and the losses so terrible that it would be too difficult to single out a greater evil or benefit.

One thing is clear for sure - without the influence of the steppe, Russia would never have become the state that it was by the beginning of the XIII century. Many of its own problems, of course, could bring it closer to a similar state, but the steppes have made such a significant contribution to the development and certain fall of their neighbor that it is unacceptable to belittle their influence.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Knyazky I.O. Russia and the steppe. - M.: 1996

2. Pletneva S.A. Khazars. - M.: Nauka, 1986

3. Pletneva S.A. Pechenegs, Torks and Cumans in the South Russian steppes. - MIA, No 62. M.-L., 1958

4. Gumilyov L.N. From Russia to Russia. - St. Petersburg: Lenizdat, 2008

5. Melnikova E.A. Ancient Russia in the light of foreign sources. - M.: Logos, 1999

6. Pletneva S.A. Polovtsian stone statues. M., 1974

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Lev Nikolaevich Gumilyov. Russia and the Great Steppe

Coming into contact with the theoretical heritage of L.N. Gumilyov, one involuntarily gets the feeling that the history that we are being taught today is far from the truth. This is especially evident in the study of the emergence and formation of ancient Russian civilization. The events described in “The Tale of Bygone Years”, “The Tale of Igor's Campaign”, “Zadonshchina”, “History of the Russian State” by N.M. Karamzin, studies by S.M. Solovyova, N.I. Kostomarova, V.O. Klyuchevsky, many Soviet historians appear in a completely different light when reading the works of L.N. Gumilyov. The same can be said about the historians' assessment of the ancient Russian princes.

As for the relations of the Old Russian state with its neighbors, and above all, with the Khazar Khaganate and nomadic tribes, here too Gumilyov, with his characteristic scientific insight, criticizes the interpretations of events that have been established since the time of The Tale of Bygone Years. The same applies to the story of the Golden Horde yoke. Regarding the relationship of the Russian state with the Mongol-Tatars, researcher V. Demin in his book “Lev Gumilyov”, with reference to the works of the scientist himself, in particular, writes the following: “ As a result Tatar-Mongol invasion and the so-called 300-year-old “yoke” that followed, in fact, the beginning was laid for the formation of a symbiosis of two peoples - Tatar and Russian, which ultimately led to the formation of the Russian superethnos”. Thus, L.N. Gumilyov is already an innovator from this point of view, and his ideas provide not only food for thought, but are also the most important impetus for a true understanding of the significance of the Golden Horde yoke in the history of our country.

Gumilyov in his writings sought to show the complexity of the relationship that inhabited Eurasia of nomadic and sedentary peoples, the mutual influence of their cultures and traditions. And he quite succeeded in this, although for a long time official science did not recognize the obvious merits of Gumilyov's theory. And only with the beginning of the process of democratization, the works of Gumilyov began to be published. And today we have the opportunity to get acquainted with the theoretical heritage of the scientist, whose works occupy a worthy place in modern science.

Already in the first, in fact, scientific work, Gumilyov began to refute the established canons, in relation to the history of the Turkic and other peoples of Eurasia. In his view, a completely different story loomed, especially about the relationship between the steppe, nomadic and sedentary peoples.

The problem raised by Gumilyov in PhD thesis, was continued by him in subsequent works, about which nothing was known to us for a long time. And only in recent times Thanks to the democratization of our society, we got the opportunity to come into contact with the theories and concepts that were under the ban. One of them is the concept of Eurasianism, the ideas of which are reflected in Gumilev's numerous works. It should be noted that Gumilyov not only reflected the ideas of Eurasianism, but also largely contributed to the enrichment of its conceptual content. And here, first of all, it is necessary to introduce such works of the scientist as “Ancient Russia and the Great Steppe”, “From Russia to Russia. Essays ethnic history”, “Khazaria and the Caspian Sea”, as well as works devoted to the history of the Turkic Khaganate and the Golden Horde.

In all these works, Gumilev defended the idea that the history of the ancient peoples of the steppe has not been fully studied, but in the available sources, their historical path is reflected in a distorted form. Therefore, he said, it is necessary to study history not only from the socio-economic and political positions, but, above all, from the point of view of ethnogenesis. What did Gumilyov understand by this term? The scientist himself answered this question in his fundamental work “Ethnogenesis and the Biosphere of the Earth”. In his opinion, " Ethnogenesis is a natural process, therefore, independent of the situation, formed as a result of the formation of culture. It can start at any moment; and if on his way there is an obstacle from the acting - cultural integrity, he will break it or break it against it. If it begins when "the earth lies fallow", the emerging ethnos creates its own culture - as a way of its existence and development. In both cases, the impulse is a blind force of natural energy, not controlled by anyone's consciousness ”. In his subsequent works, Gumilyov preached the concept that the historical process is determined by the natural course of development of the peoples inhabiting our planet. And here Gumilyov comes to the fore time , space , ethnos , and most importantly - passionarity .

Speaking about space, Gumilyov wrote: “ space is the first parameter that characterizes historical events ” . As for time, Gumilyov believed that time is the second parameter in which the formation, development and decline of ethnic groups takes place. And from what these processes occur, Gumilyov explained as follows: “ ... we can also hypothetically connect the beginning of ethnogenesis with the mechanism of mutation, as a result of which an ethnic "push" occurs, leading then to the formation of new ethnic groups. The process of ethnogenesis is associated with a well-defined genetic trait. Here we introduce a new parameter of ethnic history - passionarity". So we have come to the main constituent principle of the historical process according to Gumilyov's theory - passionarity.All of Gumilyov's scientific activity was connected precisely with this concept. Through the prism of passionarity, he considered not only the history of ethnic groups, but also of states.

“Passionarity is a sign that arises as a result of a mutation (passionary impulse) and forms within a population a certain number of people with an increased craving for action. We will call such people passionaries”- this is how Gumilyov himself wrote, explaining the term he himself invented, introduced into scientific circulation, which today has become one of the fundamental in solving the problems of ethnogenesis.

But not only the problems of ethnogenesis and Eurasianism were of interest to Gumilyov. In his scientific activity Gumilyov did everything possible to get rid of the preconceived wrong opinion about the nomadic peoples, their connection with Russia. Gumilyov made a great contribution to rethinking the role and place of the Golden Horde in the history of medieval Eurasia. The idea, rooted in historiography, that the Golden Horde yoke threw back Russia many centuries ago, according to Gumilev, does not correspond to the truth. “ The alliance with the Tatars, wrote Gumilyov, turned out to be a boon for Russia, in terms of establishing order within the country”. Moreover, Gumilyov believed that only thanks to the Tatar army, Russia was able to maintain its independence and the opportunity to develop further, without falling under the yoke of the Western crusaders. In support of this opinion, we will quote one more quote from the same work of the scientist: “Twhere the Tatar troops entered the business, - said Gumilyov, - the crusading onslaught quickly stopped. Thus, for the tax that Alexander Nevsky undertook to pay to Sarai, the capital of the new state on the Volga, Russia received a reliable and strong army that defended not only Novgorod and Pskov. After all, in the same way, thanks to the Tatars in the 70s of the XIII century. retained the independence of Smolensk, which was under the threat of capture by the Lithuanians .... ”.

Gumilyov also did not trivially assess the relations between Russia and the Golden Horde. Here is what they wrote about this relationship: Moreover, the Russian principalities that accepted an alliance with the Horde completely retained their ideological independence and political independence. For example, after the victory in the Horde of the Muslim party in the person of Berke, no one demanded that the Russians convert to Islam. This alone shows that Russia was not a province of the Mongol ulus, but a country allied to the Great Khan, paying some tax on the maintenance of the army, which she herself needed ”.

Summing up the results of the study of Gumilyov's scientific activity, I would like to say the following: Lev Nikolayevich was and remains an outstanding theorist, whose views, hypotheses and concepts have played and continue to play a key role in the study of the history of the Great Steppe, the Turkic Khaganate, Volga Bulgaria, the Golden Horde and the Russian state.

Today it is no longer possible to imagine history without the works of Gumilyov, they have long been included in the golden fund of scientific thought not only in Russia, but throughout the world. Gumilyov's works are now published in many languages of the world and are included in the holdings of leading libraries and collections. At the same time, there are not so few controversial points in the presentation of the history of the scientist, and discussions around the theory of passionarity are still ongoing. This is another confirmation that Gumilyov's ideas are in demand by historical science.

History and SID

Russia and the Steppe: a system of mutual influences and ambiguity of interpretations Directions of Byzantine influence: Byzantium helped Russia become an Orthodox state. The adoption of Christianity in Russia dramatically increased the influence of Byzantine culture. The baptism of Russia according to the Orthodox rite introduced Kyiv prince into the circle of European monarchs and made it possible to use the method of fixing dip, typical of the Middle Ages. The Baptism of Russia also gave us Slavic alphabet and attached to the European cultural tradition.

Russia and Byzantium. Russia and the Steppe:system of mutual influences and ambiguity of interpretations

Directions of Byzantine influence:

Byzantium helped Russia become an Orthodox state. Constantinople sent its priests to Russia, appointed a metropolitan for the Russian church, and sent icons there. The adoption of Christianity in Russia dramatically increased the influence of Byzantine culture. The baptism of Russia according to the Orthodox rite introduced the prince of Kyiv into the circle of European monarchs and made it possible to use the method of securing a dip, typical of the Middle Ages. alliances through dynastic marriages. The baptism of Russia also gave us the Slavic alphabet and introduced us to the European cultural tradition.
Russian state ceremonial, rituals were borrowed (for example, a wedding to the kingdom, etc.)
The world of Byzantium, the world of Christianity brought new building, artistic experience and traditions to Russia.The Russians built temples according to the Greek model. Our ancestors received from Byzantium Orthodox icons. Thanks to Byzantine influence, Russia greatly elevated itself culturally and religiously. Byzantine art played an important role in this regard.
Economically, Byzantium was the leading power in Europe, therefore, to achieve profitable trading privileges for its merchants was desirable for any state of that time, and for Russia too, and all campaigns of Russia against Byzantium ended with the conclusion of a peace treaty, in fact, a commercial one, regulating foreign trade between the two countries. The fact of concluding a trade agreement between the two countries was in fact an act of recognition by Byzantium of the independent statehood of Russia.

Russia and the Steppe:

The formation of Kievan Rus as a state, the formation of the ancient Russian people took place in conditions of constant confrontation and interaction with the nomads of Eastern Europe at the end of the 9th - beginning of the 13th centuries: the Pechenegs, Guzes, Polovtsy.

The nomadic periphery played an important role in historical processes that time. And the point is not only that their struggle as a whole strengthened social and political ties in Old Russian state, despite the frequent use of nomadic mercenaries in princely strife (the constant struggle with the steppe supported the courage and enterprise of the Russian princes and their squads a lot. She especially imposed a harsh, warlike imprint on the inhabitants of the southern and south-eastern outskirts, where close proximity to the barbarians introduced a lot of rudeness into Russian customs). The inhabitants of Ancient Russia also contacted the nomads at the level of trade exchange; there were many joint settlements in the border regions. Under the influence of the Slavic farmers, nomadic tribes settled, which sometimes ended in assimilation. The family ties of the khans with our princes paved the way for the influence of Russian citizenship, which slowly but irresistibly led to a softening of barbarism. Becoming part of the ancient Russian people, the nomads brought not only an anthropological type, but some cultural traditions and customs. All these factors make necessary study nomadic peoples of the southern Russian steppes not only as an external and hostile force.

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Southern Russia and the Steppe

Under the year 6653/1145, the Novgorod first chronicle of the older version mentions a campaign against Galich: “That same summer, the whole Russian land went to Galicia and abandoned their region a lot, but the city did not take a single one, and turning back, going from Novgorod to help the kyans, with the governor Nerevino, and returning with love. The same campaign is described in the Ipatiev Chronicle, but in much more detail: “In the summer of 6654. Vsevolod took his brother. Leave Igor and Svyatoslav in Kyiv, and go with Igor to Galich and from Davydovich, and with Volodymyr, and with Vyacheslav Volodimerich, Izyaslav and Rostislav Mstislalich, his son, and Svyatoslav, singing, his son, and Boleslav Lyadsky prince, his son-in-law, and Polovtsa are wild. And there were many howls, going to Galich on Volodymyrka. A comparison of the cited texts allowed V. A. Kuchkin to quite reasonably conclude: “If the Novgorod chronicler had in mind all the participants in the campaign, then Poles and Polovtsy must also be understood under his Russian land.” And if the presence of the Polish “prince” Boleslav among the representatives of the “Russian Land” is somehow justified by the author of the news of the Ipatiev Chronicle (it is specified that he is Vsevolod’s son-in-law), then the “wild Polovtsy” look really “wild” in the above list ... True, already in the so-called "ethnographic" introduction to the Tale of Bygone Years, the Polovtsy are on a par with the East Slavic tribes. The chronicler is not at all embarrassed by such a neighborhood. It is strange for us. We do not even notice how the stereotype works: the Polovtsians are the eternal enemies of Russia. Another, it seems, simply could not be.

Under the year 6569/1061 in the Tale of Bygone Years there is an entry: “In the summer of 6569. The Polovtsy came first to fight on the Russian land. Vsevolod is going against them, the month of February on the 2nd day. And fought them, defeating Vsevolod, and fought away. This was the first evil from filthy and godless enemies. Be the prince of them Iskal.

However, upon closer examination, it turns out that this is not the first appearance of the Polovtsians within the Russian land. Even under the year 6562/1054, the chronicle contains a message about the events that immediately followed the death of Yaroslav Vladimirovich: “In the seventh year, Bolush came from Polovtsi, and Vsevolod made peace with them, and returning Polovtsi back, they came from nowhere.”

The real danger posed by the Polovtsy became clear only a few years later, when in the early autumn of 1068 the combined forces of the Russian princes could not resist them in the battle of Alta: Izyaslav, and Svyatoslav and Vsevolod izidosha opposed them on Lto. And there were nights, going up against yourself. For the sake of our sin, let God let the filthy us, and run away the Russian princes, and defeat the Polovtsi. By the way, the coup in Kyiv became a consequence of the defeat on Alta: the place of Izyaslav, who had been expelled by the people of Kiev, was taken by the Polotsk prince Vseslav, who had previously been in the "cut down".

However, the triumph of the Polovtsians turned out to be short-lived: “Seven Polovtsy fighting in the land of Ruste, Svyatoslav existing Chernigov, and Polovtsy fighting near Chernigov. Svyatoslav, having gathered a few squads, went out to Snovsk. And he saw the Polovtsi marching regiment, troishing against. And seeing Svyatos lava many of them, and he said to his squad: “Let's pull, we don’t care about children anymore.” And hit in a horse, and overcame Svyatoslav in three thousand, and the Polovtsian was 12 thousand; and beat tacos, and the friends of the flood in Snovi, and their prince Yasha hand, on the 1st day of November. And returning with victory to his city Svyatoslav "...

In the following decades, written sources give us a huge number of more or less detailed descriptions of the clashes between the South Russian and Polovtsian troops. Apparently, it was precisely such stories, supplemented by the ingenious "Tale of Igor's Campaign", that formed the stereotype of perception of the Polovtsy in scientific and popular science historical literature, and even more so in the modern everyday consciousness: the image of the "black raven - filthy polovchin" became a kind of symbol of the pre-Horde Steppe . It seems that the cherished dream of the Polovtsy was, as D.S. Likhachev writes, “to break through the defensive line of earthen ramparts, with which Russia fenced its steppe borders from the south and southeast, and settle within the Kyiv state” ...

However, contrary to popular belief, stories about Russian raids on the Polovtsian pastures are, perhaps, no less than reports about the devastation of Russian lands by nomads. Suffice it to recall at least the most famous campaign of Igor Svyatoslavich, committed in 1185 by the Novgorod-Seversky prince on the Polovtsian towers left without cover. There were also frequent cases of joint campaigns of Russian princes with the Polovtsian khans. Moreover, the behavior of the “insidious”, “predatory”, “evil” and “greedy” (as our imagination usually draws them) Polovtsy is very often bewildering - precisely because it radically does not correspond to the clichéd image of the primordial enemy of the Russian land.

In other words, relations between Russia and the Steppe were not as tragic, and perhaps not even as dramatic as it might seem at first glance. Armed clashes gave way to peaceful years, quarrels - to weddings. Under the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of Yaroslav the Wise, the Polovtsy were already “ours”. Many Russian princes: Yuri Dolgoruky, Andrei Bogolyubsky, Andrei Vladimirovich, Oleg Svyatoslavich, Svyatoslav Olgovich, Vladimir Igorevich, Rurik Rostislavich, Mstislav Udatnoy and others, as we recall, married Polovtsy, or were themselves half Polovtsy. Was no exception to this series and Igor Svyatoslavich: in his family, five generations of princes in a row were married to the daughters of the Polovtsian khans. By the way, it already follows from this that Igor's campaign was not a simple revenge or an attempt, saying modern language, deliver a preemptive strike to a potential enemy ...

The reason for such uneven relations was, apparently, the specifics of the economy of the nomadic society. A selection of the main points of view on this subject is given by N. Kradin: “probably the most intriguing question in the history of the Great Steppe is the reason that pushed the nomads to mass migrations and destructive campaigns against agricultural civilizations. A wide variety of opinions have been expressed on this subject. Briefly, they can be reduced to the following: 1) various global climate changes (drying - according to A. Toynbee and G. Grumm-Grzhimailo, moistening - according to L. N. Gumilyov); 2) warlike and greedy nature of nomads; 3) overpopulation of the steppe; 4) the growth of productive forces and the class struggle, the weakening of agricultural societies due to feudal fragmentation (Marxist concepts); 5) the need to replenish an extensive pastoral economy through raids on more stable agricultural societies; 6) unwillingness on the part of the settled to trade with the nomads (there was nowhere to sell the surplus of cattle breeding); 7) personal qualities of the leaders of the steppe societies; 8) ethno-integrating impulses (passionarity - according to L. N. Gumilyov). Most of these factors have their rational moments. However, the significance of some of them turned out to be exaggerated.

Research recent years(first of all, the works of the outstanding American socioanthropologist O. Lattimore) made it possible to come close to solving this problem: “a “pure” nomad may well get by only with the products of his herd, but in this case he remained poor. The nomads needed handicrafts, weapons, silk, exquisite jewelry for their leaders, their wives and concubines, and finally, products produced by farmers. All this could be obtained in two ways: war and peaceful trade. Nomads used both methods. When they felt their superiority or invulnerability, they mounted their horses without hesitation and went on a raid. But when a powerful state was a neighbor, pastoralists preferred to conduct peaceful trade with it. However, often the governments of sedentary states prevented such trade, as it was out of state control. And then the nomads had to defend the right to trade by force of arms.”

The nomads did not at all seek to conquer the territories of their northern neighbors. They preferred - as far as possible - together with the settled population of the nearby agricultural regions to receive the maximum benefit from the peaceful "exploitation" of the steppe. That is why, according to the observation of I. Konovalova, “robbery in the steppe was a rather rare phenomenon that did not disrupt the course of steppe trade. After all, both Russians and Polovtsy were equally interested in its stability. The Polovtsy received significant benefits by charging merchants duties for the transit of goods across the steppes. ... It is obvious that both the Russian princes and the Polovtsian khans were interested in the “passability” of the steppe routes and jointly defended the safety of transshipment trade centers. Thanks to this interest, the Polovtsian steppe not only did not serve as a barrier that fenced off Russia from the countries of the Black Sea and Transcaucasia, but itself was an arena of lively international trade relations.

So, the relations of southern Russia with the Steppe were rather complicated - primarily due to differences in lifestyle, language, culture. Nevertheless, the stereotypes of perception of the steppes as the original enemies of Russia that have been formed in the last two centuries do not fully correspond to the ideas about the southern neighbors that existed in Ancient Russia.

Therefore, the famous campaign of the Novgorod-Seversky prince Igor Svyatoslavich, given the origin of this prince, no longer looks like an inglorious adventure aimed at preventing Polovtsian raids on Russian lands. The prince himself, for the most part, is a Polovtsian and, apparently, takes part in some kind of clarification of relations between the various Polovtsian nomads that is not entirely clear to us. It is not for nothing that Konchak treats him with such attention and honor (who, by the way, after Igor's escape from "captivity" will strike at the principalities that were at enmity with Novgorod-Seversky).

These family ties will play, in particular, a fatal role in the events on the Kalka in 1224, when the South Russian princes, having responded to the call for help from their Polovtsian relatives, will suffer a crushing defeat from the advanced Mongol detachments ...

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