Civil war and intervention. The first wave of Russian emigration: ideology, political activity, leaders.
Dispersal of the Constituent Assembly.
The beginning of the formation of a one-party political system.
Crises of power. Bolshevik strategy: reasons for victory. October 1917 ᴦ. Economic and political program of the Bolsheviks.
Question No. 6: The Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet.
Question No. 5: Alternatives for the development of Russia after the February Revolution.
Alternatives to Russian history during the period of the revolution were determined mainly by the relationship and struggle of its constituent groups and political parties. Alternatives to Russian history during the period of the revolution were determined mainly by the relationship and struggle of its constituent groups and political parties.
In 1905-1907. in Russia there were already about 50 parties of various ideological and political orientations; by 1917 the number of parties had almost doubled.
Among the largest parties we should highlight:
1. Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks and Mensheviks).
2. “Labor group” (trudoviks), formed during the activity of the first State Duma.
3. All-Russian political party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs).
These parties were united by the desire for radical changes in Russia. In principle, all of the listed parties, except for the Bolshevik one, can to some extent be classified as parliamentary-type parties.
The 1917 revolution interrupted the activities of most Russian political parties. As a result, for more than 70 years, Russia had a one-party system that did not allow any opposition.
The main and, perhaps, the largest alternative in the entire history of Russia arises in 1917, the February Revolution sweeps away the monarchical regime. For several months, the struggle for power and the choice of historical paths for the country's development has been going on mainly between the center, represented by the coalition of Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, on the one hand, and the left forces led by the Bolsheviks, on the other. The dispute is, first of all, around the implementation of agrarian reform, as well as over Russia’s exit from the war. The situation requires the prompt provision of landowners' lands to the peasants. The leaders of the populist persuasion - the Socialist Revolutionaries and the people's socialists, who prepared the Decree on Land - understand this very well. But the Provisional Government of the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks hesitates. It is waiting for November, when it is scheduled to convene the Constituent Assembly - the national parliament, which must legally make the necessary decisions.
Since the February Revolution of 1917 ᴦ. The course of events in Russia contained various alternatives for social development:
· bourgeois-democratic - if A.F. Kerensky - a key figure in 1917. - managed to create capable state institutions, achieve the unity of society and begin to resolve the basic socio-economic and political problems of Russian life.
· general-dictatorial - if the Supreme Commander-in-Chief L.G. Kornilov was able to establish his power in the country.
· homogeneously socialist - if the resolution of the Second Congress of Soviets on the creation of a government from representatives of all socialist parties had been implemented.
· Bolshevik-left-radical - with the coming to power of the Bolsheviks, the implementation of this model of social development in Russia began.
As is known, during the February Revolution, dual power was established at the national level: on the one hand, the Provisional Government - the government of the bourgeoisie and landowners, on the other - the Petrograd Soviet - the workers' government, expressing the interests of the proletariat and the poorest part of the urban and rural population. These institutions simultaneously acted as centers of attraction and repulsion for various segments of the population, since they expressed the interests of directly opposing parts of society. A struggle for power developed between them.
As soon as they emerged, they immediately began to create the extremely important foundation of power, but the Provisional Government was more successful: it was able to take control of all the power structures remaining from the previous regime. Οʜᴎ quickly mobilized the deputies “lounging around idle” after the dissolution and sent them to “commissar” places in the capital’s institutions. The only criterion that was taken into account was their party affiliation. Thanks to this, the former administrative apparatus of the Duma went to the Provisional Government.
At the same time, the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies formed its structures, but did it in a different way: it was engaged in creating a predominantly grassroots management system, organizing workers and soldiers, ensuring security and order in the capital and solving vital problems, primarily food. Such different social orientations and heterogeneity of occupations immediately caused friction between these structures. However, things did not come to open confrontation then. The antagonism between them was smoothed over by the most important unresolved problem - the abolition of the monarchy.
March 2, 1917 ᴦ. An agreement on joint government of the state was signed between the Petro-Soviet and the Provisional Government. Moreover, in the first weeks after the overthrow of the monarchy, the main political force was the popular front. It was at that very moment that the people for the first time felt a real opportunity to influence the course of events. Political parties have also realized this. They went to great lengths, cajoling, pleasing and even currying favor with the people with the sole purpose of getting them at their disposal, with their help to seize power and solve political and socio-economic problems in their own interests. The main headquarters of the Popular Front, its political center was the Petro-Soviet. The Menshevik leader Chkheidze was elected chairman of its executive committee, and the Socialist Revolutionary Kerensky and the Menshevik Skobelev were elected as his comrades (deputies).
Soon after the formation of the bourgeois-landowner camp and its withdrawal from the anti-tsarist front, a rift passed through revolutionary democracy. The All-Russian Conference of Soviets, held in early April 1917, marked the beginning of the split of the popular front into two camps - the radical left and the centrist (democratic). Thus, during March, three independent socially heterogeneous streams arose - bourgeois-landowner, centrist and left-radical. The political situation in the country has become noticeably more complicated. The split in the popular front led to serious political consequences, fraught with consequences for the fate of the revolution and the country as a whole. The current situation favored the emergence of a dictatorial regime.
On April 18, Foreign Minister Miliukov, contrary to promises, declared that the Russian government intended to bring the war to a decisive victory. The people realized that they had been fooled and poured into the streets to express their indignation, and the indignation of the soldiers knew no bounds at all. During the April crisis, attempts were made to establish a dictatorship both from the bourgeois-landowner and from the left forces.
The first attempt was associated with the actions of General Kornilov. He ordered units loyal to him to go to Palace Square with the task of suppressing the protests of workers and soldiers with gunfire and changing the situation in favor of the Provisional Government, but he was persuaded by members of the executive committee of the Petro-Soviet. Kornilov gave in and took the military units to the barracks.
At the same time, the representative of the left camp, Linde, tried to resolve the issue of power with the help of military force. He brought the largest and most combat-ready military unit of the Petrograd garrison, the Finnish Regiment, to the Mariinsky Palace in order to bring the Provisional Government to justice. The actions of this regiment were ready to be supported by the soldiers who happened to be at the Mariinsky Palace at that moment. The members of the Petro Council again managed to keep Linda from taking the last step.
Already at the beginning of July, Petrograd found itself on the verge of an armed uprising. On July 3, soldiers from a machine-gun regiment appeared at the building of the St. Petersburg Committee and raised the question of removing the Provisional Government and transferring state power to the Soviets. But the Bolsheviks considered that in the current situation it was premature to demand a change of power. At the same time, huge masses of workers and soldiers had already taken to the streets, and a semi-spontaneous uprising had unfolded. The country faced the threat of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Kerensky took the initiative to suppress this rebellion and headed the government, which acted primarily by violent methods. A dictatorial regime was established in the country, later called a military dictatorship. The period of democracy in Russia ended, and democracy was transformed into the dictatorship of the Provisional Government. Thus, another alternative, identified at the beginning of the 20th century, was exhausted, namely the existence of Russia in the form of a democratic republic.
On October 22, large demonstrations of workers took place throughout the country unhindered, demanding the holding of an All-Russian Congress of Soviets. The socialist revolution has won.
The history of Soviet public administration dates back to the Second Congress of Soviets. It gathered at a turning point, when Petrograd was in the hands of the rebel workers and peasants, and the Winter Palace, where the bourgeois Provisional Government met, had not yet been taken by the rebels. The creation of a new system of public administration began with the development and proclamation of certain political postulates. In this sense, the first “managerial” document of the new government should be recognized as the appeal of the Second Congress of Soviets “To workers, soldiers, peasants!”, adopted at the first meeting of the congress on October 25, 1917, which began at 10 o’clock in the morning. This document proclaimed the establishment of Soviet power, ᴛ.ᴇ. formation of the Soviet state. Here the main directions of the domestic and foreign policy of the new state were formulated: the establishment of peace, the free transfer of land to the peasantry, the introduction of workers' control over production, the democratization of the army, etc.
Soviet statehood was born under the strong influence of democratic sentiments that reigned in society. At the same Second Congress of Soviets, Lenin argued that the Bolsheviks were striving to build a state in which “the government would always be under the control of the public opinion of its country... In our opinion,” he said, “the state is strong in the consciousness of the masses. It is strong when the masses know everything, can judge everything and do everything consciously. Such widespread democracy was supposed to be achieved by involving the masses in governing the state.
As a result, the Second Congress of Soviets proclaimed the creation of a new state and formed government and administrative bodies. At the congress, the most general principles of the organization of Soviet statehood were formulated and the beginning of the creation of a new system of public administration was laid. At the beginning of November 1917 ᴦ. At the plenary meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, a compromise resolution was adopted “On the terms of the agreement of the socialist parties.” It emphasized that an agreement is possible only subject to recognition of the Second Congress of Soviets as “the only source of power” and recognition of the “program of the Soviet government, as expressed in the decrees on land and peace.” This made it possible to expand the social basis of management processes and thereby strengthen state power.
The bloc with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries allowed the Bolsheviks to solve the most important political and managerial task - to unite the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies with the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies. The unification took place at the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets in January 1918. At the congress, a new composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was elected, which included 160 Bolsheviks and 125 Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, the alliance with them turned out to be short-lived. On March 18, 1918, not recognizing the ratification of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries left the government, and in July of the same year they launched a rebellion against the Soviet regime, which was quickly suppressed. The breakdown of the alliance between the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries reflected the processes occurring in society that led to the expansion of the civil war, which, of course, left its mark on the emerging system of governing the country.
In March 1918, Anglo-French-American troops landed in Murmansk; in April - Japanese troops in Vladivostok; in May the mutiny of the Czechoslovak Corps began. All this created serious problems for the new government. By the summer of 1918, numerous groups and governments had formed on 3/4 of the country’s territory that opposed Soviet power. The Soviet government began to create the Red Army and switched to a policy of “war communism”.
In the second half of 1918, the Red Army won its first victories on the Eastern Front and liberated the Volga region and part of the Urals. After the November Revolution in Germany, the Soviet government annulled the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and Ukraine and Belarus were liberated. At the same time, the policy of “war communism,” as well as “decossackization,” aimed at actually destroying the Cossacks, caused peasant and Cossack uprisings in various regions and gave the opportunity to the leaders of the anti-Bolshevik camp to form numerous armies and launch a broad offensive against the Soviet Republic. In the territories occupied by the White Guards and interventionists, the partisan movement expanded.
In March - May, the Red Army successfully repelled the offensive of the White Guard forces from the east (Admiral A.V. Kolchak), south (General A.I. Denikin), and west (General N.N. Yudenich). As a result of the general counteroffensive of the Soviet troops of the Eastern Front in May - July, the Urals were occupied and, in the next six months, with the active participation of partisans, Siberia. In April - August 1919, the interventionists were forced to evacuate their troops from the south of Ukraine, from Crimea, Baku, Sr.
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Asia. The troops of the Southern Front defeated Denikin's armies near Orel and Voronezh and by March 1920 pushed their remnants into the Crimea. In the fall of 1919, Yudenich's Army was finally defeated near Petrograd.
At the beginning of 1920, the North and the coast of the Caspian Sea were occupied. The Entente states completely withdrew their troops and lifted the blockade. After the end of the Soviet-Polish War, the Red Army launched a series of attacks on the troops of General P. N. Wrangel and expelled them from Crimea. In 1921-22, anti-Bolshevik uprisings were suppressed in Kronstadt, the Tambov region, in a number of regions of Ukraine, etc., and the remaining pockets of interventionists and White Guards in Central Asia and the Far East were eliminated (October 1922).
The Civil War brought enormous disasters. From hunger, disease, terror and in battles (according to various sources), from 8 to 13 million people died, incl. about 1 million Red Army soldiers. Up to 2 million people emigrated by the end of the Civil War. The damage caused to the national economy amounted to about 50 billion gold rubles, industrial production fell to 4-20% of the 1913 level, and agricultural production decreased by almost half.
Civil war and intervention. The first wave of Russian emigration: ideology, political activity, leaders. - concept and types. Classification and features of the category "Civil War and Intervention. The first wave of Russian emigration: ideology, political activity, leaders." 2017, 2018.
In modern historical science, a generally accepted periodization has developed, including pre-revolutionary, post-revolutionary (after 1917), called the “first” wave; post-war, called the “second” wave of emigration; “third” within the period of 1960-1980s; and the “fourth” - modern (after 1991) wave, coinciding with the post-Soviet period in the history of our country. At the same time, a number of domestic researchers adhere to a different point of view on the problem of periodization. First of all, among historians of American studies, it is customary to consider the mass pre-revolutionary emigration overseas, mainly for labor, as the first wave.
Russian emigration toXIX - beginningXX V.
Flows of Russian emigrants throughout the 19th - 20th centuries. are fickle, pulsating in nature, and are closely related to the peculiarities of the political and economic development of Russia. But, if at the beginning of the 19th century. individuals emigrated, then since the middle of the century we can observe certain patterns. The most significant components of the pre-revolutionary migration flow from Russia in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, which determined the face of the Russian diaspora of the pre-revolutionary era, were political, revolutionary emigration to Europe, developing around university centers, labor migration to the USA and national (with elements of religious) emigration . In the 1870-1880s, Russian emigrant centers were formed in most countries of Western Europe, the USA, and Japan. Russian labor migrants contributed to the colonization of the New World (USA, Canada, Brazil and Argentina) and the Far East outside Russia (China). In the 80s XIX century They were joined by numerous representatives of national emigration from Russia: Jews, Poles, Finns, Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians. A fairly large group of Russian intelligentsia left their homeland forever after the events of the 1905 revolution. According to official statistics, in the period from 1828 to the outbreak of the First World War, the number of Russians who left the empire was 4.5 million people.
"First" wave.
The revolutionary events of 1917 and the subsequent Civil War led to the emergence of a large number of refugees from Russia. There is no exact data on the number of people who left their homeland at that time. Traditionally (since the 1920s) it was believed that there were about 2 million of our compatriots in exile. It should be noted that the mass outflow of emigrants continued until the mid-1920s, then it stopped. Geographically, this emigration from Russia was primarily directed to the countries of Western Europe. The main centers of Russian emigration of the first wave were Paris, Berlin, Prague, Belgrade, and Sofia. A significant part of the emigrants also settled in Harbin. In the USA, inventors and scientists and others were able to realize their outstanding talents. The inventor of television was called the “Russian gift to America.” Emigration of the first wave is a unique phenomenon, since the majority of emigrants (85-90%) did not subsequently return to Russia and did not integrate into the society of their country of residence. Separately, it is worth mentioning the well-known action of the Soviet government in 1922: two famous “” brought about 50 outstanding Russian humanitarians (together with their family members - approximately 115 people) from Petrograd to Germany (Stettin). After the RSFSR decree of 1921 depriving them of citizenship, confirmed and amended in 1924, the door to Russia was forever closed for them. But most of them were confident of a quick return to their homeland and sought to preserve the language, culture, traditions, and way of life. The intelligentsia made up no more than a third of the flow, but it was they who made up the glory of the Russian Abroad. Post-revolutionary emigration quite successfully claimed the role of the main bearer of the image of Russia in the world; the ideological and cultural confrontation between the Russian diaspora and the USSR for many decades ensured such a perception of emigration by a significant part of the Russian foreign and foreign community.
In addition to the White emigration, the first post-revolutionary decade also saw fragments of ethnic (and, at the same time, religious) emigration - Jewish (about 100,000, almost all to Palestine) and German (about 20-25 thousand people), and the most massive type of emigration was labor , so characteristic of Russia before the First World War, was discontinued after 1917.
"Second" wave.
Forced emigrants from the USSR during the Second World War represented a completely different social cross-section compared to post-revolutionary emigration. These are residents of the Soviet Union and annexed territories who, for one reason or another, left the Soviet Union as a result of World War II. Among them were collaborators. In order to avoid forced repatriation and obtain refugee status, some Soviet citizens changed documents and surnames, hiding their origin. Taken together, the total number of Soviet citizens located outside the USSR was about 7 million people. Their fate was decided at the Yalta Conference in 1945, and at the request of the Soviet Union they had to return to their homeland. For several years, large groups of displaced persons lived in special camps in the American, British and French zones of occupation; in most cases they were sent back to the USSR. Moreover, the allies handed over to the Soviet side former Russians who found themselves on the opposite side of the front (such as, for example, several thousand Cossacks in Lienz in 1945 who found themselves in the British zone of occupation). They were repressed in the USSR.
At least 300 thousand displaced people never returned to their homeland. The bulk of those who avoided being returned to the Soviet Union, or fled from Soviet troops in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, went to the United States and Latin America. A large number of scientists left for the USA - they were helped, in particular, by the famous Tolstoy Foundation, created by Alexandra Lvovna Tolsta. And many of those whom international authorities classified as collaborators left for Latin America. The mentality of these people for the most part was significantly different from the Russian emigrants of the “first” wave; they were mainly afraid of reprisals. On the one hand, there was a certain rapprochement between them, but the merger into a single whole never happened.
"Third" wave.
The third wave of Russian emigration occurred during the “” era. The movement and the Cold War caused many people to voluntarily leave the country, although everything was quite heavily restricted by the authorities. In total, this wave involved more than 500 thousand people. Its ethnic composition was formed not only by Jews and Germans, who were the majority, but also by representatives of other nations with their own statehood (Greeks, Poles, Finns, Spaniards). Also among them were those who fled from the Soviet Union during business trips or tours or were forcibly expelled from the country, the so-called. "defectors". This is exactly how they ran: the outstanding ballet soloist M. Baryshnikov, and the hockey player A. Mogilny. Of particular note is the signing of the USSR. It was from this moment that citizens of the Soviet Union had legal grounds to leave the country, justifying this not on family or ethnic grounds. Unlike emigrants of the first and second waves, representatives of the third left legally, were not criminals in the eyes of the Soviet state and could correspond and call back with family and friends. However, the principle was strictly observed: a person who voluntarily left the USSR could not subsequently come even to the funeral of his closest relatives. An important incentive for many Soviet citizens who left for the United States in the 1970-1990s was the myth of the “great American dream.” In popular culture, the ironic name “sausage” was assigned to such emigration, but there were also representatives of the intelligentsia in it. Among its most prominent representatives are I. Brodsky, V. Aksenov, N. Korzhavin, A. Sinyavsky, B. Paramonov, F. Gorenshtein, V. Maksimov, A. Zinoviev, V. Nekrasov, S. Davlatov. In addition, the third wave of emigration included prominent dissidents of that time, primarily A.I. Solzhenitsyn. The figures of the third wave devoted a lot of effort and time to expressing, through publishing houses, almanacs, and magazines that they led, various points of view on the past, present and future of Russia that did not have the right to expression in the USSR.
"Fourth" wave.
The last, fourth stage of emigration is associated with politics in the USSR and the entry into force of new exit rules in 1986, significantly simplifying the emigration procedure (Resolution of the USSR Council of Ministers of August 28, 1986 No. 1064), as well as the adoption of the law “On the procedure for leaving and entering the USSR citizens of the USSR to the USSR,” which came into force on January 1, 1993. Unlike all three previous emigrations, the fourth did not (and does not have) any internal restrictions on the part of the Soviet and subsequently the Russian government. During the period from 1990 to 2000, approximately 1.1 million people left Russia alone, including not only representatives of different ethnic groups, but also the Russian population. This migration flow had a clear geographical component: from 90 to 95% of all migrants were sent to Germany, Israel and the United States. This direction was set by the presence of generous repatriation programs in the first two countries and programs for the reception of refugees and scientists from the former USSR in the latter. Unlike the Soviet period, people no longer burned bridges behind them. Many can be called emigrants at a stretch, since they plan to return or live “in two houses.” Another feature of the latest emigration is the absence of any noticeable attempts on its part to engage in political activity in relation to the country of origin, in contrast to previous waves.
In the second half of the 1990s and early 2000s, there was a process of re-emigration to the Russian Federation of scientists and specialists who had left their homeland earlier.
In the 2000s, a new stage in the history of Russian emigration began. Currently, this is predominantly economic emigration, which follows global trends and is regulated by the laws of those countries that accept migrants. The political component no longer plays a special role. In total, the number of emigrants from Russia from 2003 to the present has exceeded 500 thousand people.
Introduction
1. Emigration and revolution “First wave”
2. Emigration and the Great Patriotic War (“Second Wave”)
3. Emigration and the Cold War (“third wave”)
4. Emigration and perestroika (“Fourth Wave”)
Conclusion
Bibliography
Application
Introduction
Before the Holocaust of 1917, Russia's official name was "All-Russian Empire". Its constitution (Fundamental Laws) also used the name “Russian State”. It was a multinational state, with many religions, which had flexible constitutional forms that allowed for a variety of confederal relations.
This multinational character was also reflected in the imperial passports, which not only accredited the imperial citizenship common to all residents of Russia, but also the nationality and religion of each citizen, in accordance with his will. Among the citizens of the Russian Empire there were subjects of non-Russian and even non-Slavic nationalities, who were listed as Russian in their passports, at their own request. As a result, in this certificate the name “Russian” is used in the broadest sense of the word: all Russian citizens who called themselves that way are called Russian, even if they had a different ethnic origin. Russian culture and the Russian state did not recognize national and racial discrimination, because they were imperial in spirit.
The Russian emigration, which arose as a result of the five-year civil war (1917 - 1922), numbering three million people, always used precisely this criterion. Moreover, this emigration consisted not only of members of the above three groups of Eastern Slavs, but also of persons belonging to various minorities of the Russian Empire, which was not an obstacle to their own self-determination as “Russian emigrants”.
The topic of this test is not only of highly specialized interest. Knowledge of Russian emigration helps to understand the Russian history of the twentieth century, which passed, in the words of N.V. Ustryalov, “under the sign of revolution.”
The purpose of the work is to show the history of the formation and political activity of the Russian emigration of the post-revolutionary period in the context of world and Russian history, to determine its features, place and role in the life of Russia and international society.
The main tasks are:
1). Identify the main “waves and centers of Russian emigration;
2). Show attempts at self-organization in the emigration environment;
3). Study the features of Russian emigration of the twentieth century;
4). To establish the reasons for the ideological collapse, degeneration and failure of the “white” emigration.
The subject of the study is Russian emigration of the twentieth century.
1. Emigration and revolution “First wave”
Geographically, this emigration from Russia was primarily directed to the countries of Western Europe. The main centers of Russian emigration of the first wave were Paris, Berlin, Prague, Belgrade, Sofia. A significant part of the emigrants also settled in Harbin, and at first in Constantinople. The first Russian labor and religious emigrants to Australia appeared in the 19th century, but this was not a mass phenomenon. After 1905, the first political emigrants began to appear in Australia. After 1917-1921 New emigrants appeared in Australia, fleeing Soviet Russia, but there were very few of them. The main centers of new emigration were Brisbane, Melbourne, and Sydney.
The first wave of emigrants considered their exile to be a forced and short-term episode, hoping for a quick return to Russia after what they thought was a quick collapse of the Soviet state. In many ways, these reasons are due to their desire to isolate themselves from active participation in the life of their host countries, opposition to assimilation and reluctance to adapt to a new life. They sought to limit their life to the emigrant colony.
The first emigration consisted of the most cultured strata of Russian pre-revolutionary society, with a disproportionately large share of military personnel. According to the League of Nations, a total of 1 million 160 thousand refugees left Russia after the revolution. About a quarter of them belonged to the White armies, which emigrated at different times from different fronts.
Before the revolution, the number of the Russian colony in Manchuria was no less than 200-220 thousand people, and by November 1920 it was no less than 288 thousand people. With the abolition of the extraterritoriality status for Russian citizens in China on September 23, 1920, the entire Russian population there, including refugees, moved to the unenviable position of stateless emigrants in a foreign state, that is, to the position of a de facto diaspora.
The first serious flow of Russian refugees in the Far East dates back to the beginning of 1920 - time. The second - in October-November 1920, when the army of the so-called “Russian Eastern Outskirts” under the command of Ataman G.M. was defeated. Semenov. The third - at the end of 1922, when Soviet power was finally established in the region (only a few thousand people left by sea, the main flow of refugees was sent from Primorye to Manchuria and Korea, to China, with some exceptions, they were not allowed in, some were even expelled to Soviet Russia.
At the same time, in China, namely in Xinjiang in the north-west of the country, there was another significant (more than 5.5 thousand people) Russian colony, consisting of the Cossacks of General Bakich and former officials of the White Army, who retreated here after defeats in the Urals and in Semirechye, they settled in rural areas and were engaged in agricultural work.
The total population of the Russian colonies in Manchuria and China in 1923, when the war had already ended, was estimated at approximately 400 thousand people. Of this number, at least 100 thousand received Soviet passports in 1922-1923, many of them - at least 100 thousand people - repatriated to the RSFSR (the amnesty announced on November 3, 1921 for ordinary members of the White Guard formations also played a role here). The re-emigration of Russians to other countries was also significant (sometimes up to tens of thousands of people per year) throughout the 1920s, especially young people seeking to attend universities (in particular, to the USA, Australia and South America, as well as Europe).
The first flow of refugees in the south of Russia also took place at the beginning of 1920. Back in May 1920, General Wrangel established the so-called “Emigration Council,” which a year later was renamed the Council for the Resettlement of Russian Refugees. Civilian and military refugees were resettled in camps near Constantinople, on the Princes' Islands and in Bulgaria; military camps in Gallipoli, Chatalja and Lemnos (Kuban camp) were under English or French administration. The last evacuation operations of Wrangel's army took place from November 11 to 14, 1920: 15 thousand Cossacks, 12 thousand officers and 4-5 thousand soldiers of regular units, 10 thousand cadets, 7 thousand wounded officers, more than 30 thousand officers and officials were loaded onto the ships rear and up to 60 thousand civilians, mainly family members of officers and officials. It was this Crimean wave of evacuees that found emigration particularly difficult.
At the end of 1920, the card index of the Main Information (or Registration) Bureau already included 190 thousand names with addresses. At the same time, the number of military personnel was estimated at 50-60 thousand people, and civilian refugees at 130-150 thousand people.
By the end of the winter of 1921, only the poorest and most destitute, as well as the military, remained in Constantinople. A spontaneous re-evacuation began, especially of peasants and captured Red Army soldiers who did not fear reprisals. By February 1921, the number of such re-emigrants reached 5 thousand people. In March, another 6.5 thousand Cossacks were added to them. Over time, it also took on organized forms.
In the spring of 1921, General Wrangel turned to the Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments with a request for the possibility of settling the Russian army on their territory. In August, consent was received: Yugoslavia (the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) accepted at the state expense the Barbovich Cavalry Division, the Kuban and part of the Don Cossacks (with weapons; their duties included border service and government work), and Bulgaria - the entire 1- th Corps, military schools and part of the Don Cossacks (without weapons). About 20% of the army personnel left the army and became refugees.
About 35 thousand Russian emigrants (mostly military) were settled in various, mainly Balkan countries: 22 thousand ended up in Serbia, 5 thousand in Tunisia (port of Bizerte), 4 thousand in Bulgaria and 2 thousand each in Romania and Greece.
The League of Nations achieved some success in helping Russian emigrants. F. Nansen, the famous Norwegian polar explorer, appointed Commissioner for Russian Refugees in February 1921, introduced special identity cards for them (the so-called “Nansen passports”), which were eventually recognized in 31 countries around the world. With the help of the organization created by Nansen (Refugees Settlement Commission), about 25 thousand refugees were employed (mainly in the USA, Austria, Belgium, Germany, Hungary and Czechoslovakia).
The total number of emigrants from Russia, on November 1, 1920, according to estimates of the American Red Cross, was 1,194 thousand people; this estimate was later increased to 2,092 thousand people. The most authoritative estimate of the number of “white emigration”, given by A. and E. Kulischer, also speaks of 1.5-2.0 million people. It was based, among other things, on selective data from the League of Nations, which recorded, as of August 1921, more than 1.4 million refugees from Russia. This number also included 100 thousand German colonists, 65 thousand Latvians, 55 thousand Greeks and 12 thousand Karelians. According to the countries of arrival, emigrants were distributed as follows (thousands of people): Poland - 650; Germany – 300; France – 250; Romania – 100; Yugoslavia – 50; Greece – 31; Bulgaria – 30; Finland – 19; Türkiye - 11 and Egypt - 3.
Separating emigration from option is a very difficult, but still important task: in 1918-1922, the total number of emigrants and repatriates was (for a number of countries, selectively): to Poland - 4.1 million people, to Latvia - 130 thousand people, to Lithuania - 215 thousand people. Many, especially in Poland, were actually transit emigrants and did not stay there for long.
In 1922, according to N.A. Struve, the total number of Russian emigration was 863 thousand people; in 1930 it decreased to 630 thousand and in 1937 to 450 thousand people.
According to incomplete data from the League of Nations Refugee Service, in 1926, 755.3 thousand Russian and 205.7 thousand Armenian refugees were officially registered. More than half of the Russians - about 400 thousand people - were then accepted by France; in China there were 76 thousand of them, in Yugoslavia, Latvia, Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria there were approximately 30-40 thousand people each (in 1926, in total there were about 220 thousand immigrants from Russia in Bulgaria). Most of the Armenians found refuge in Syria, Greece and Bulgaria (about 124, 42 and 20 thousand people, respectively).
Constantinople, which served as the main transshipment base for emigration, lost its importance over time. At its next stage, Berlin and Harbin (before its occupation by the Japanese in 1936), as well as Belgrade and Sofia, became recognized centers of the “first emigration” (also called White). The Russian population of Berlin numbered about 200 thousand people in 1921; it suffered especially during the years of the economic crisis, and by 1925 there were only 30 thousand people left. Later, Prague and Paris moved into first place. The rise to power of the Nazis further alienated Russian emigrants from Germany. Prague and, in particular, Paris took the first places in emigration. Even on the eve of the Second World War, but especially during the hostilities and soon after the war, a tendency emerged for part of the first emigration to move to the United States.
2. Emigration and the Great Patriotic War (“Second Wave”)
As for Soviet citizens themselves, never before have so many of them found themselves abroad at the same time as during the Great Patriotic War. True, this happened in most cases not only against the will of the state, but also against their own will.
We can talk about approximately 5.45 million civilians who were in one way or another displaced from territory that belonged to the USSR before the war to territory that belonged or was controlled before the war by the Third Reich or its allies. Taking into account 3.25 million prisoners of war, the total number of Soviet citizens deported outside the USSR was about 8.7 million people.
Let us consider individual contingents of USSR citizens who found themselves during the war in Germany and on the territory of countries allied to it or occupied by it. Firstly, these are Soviet prisoners of war. Secondly, and thirdly, civilians forcibly taken to the Reich: these are Ostovtsy, or Ostarbeiters, in the German understanding of the term, which corresponds to the Soviet term Ostarbeiter - “Easterns” (that is, workers taken from the old Soviet regions), and Ostarbeiters - “Westernizers” who lived in areas annexed by the USSR in accordance with the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Fourthly, these are Volksdeutsche and VolksFinns, that is, Germans and Finns - Soviet citizens, whom the NKVD simply did not have time to deport after the majority of their fellow tribesmen, who became “special settlers” for many years. Fifth and sixth, these are the so-called “refugees and evacuees,” that is, Soviet civilians who were taken or independently rushed to Germany after (or rather, in front of) the retreating Wehrmacht. The refugees were mainly people who collaborated in one way or another with the German administration and for this reason did not have any special illusions about their future after the restoration of Soviet power; evacuees, on the contrary, were taken away no less by force than the classic “ostarbeiters,” thereby clearing the territory left to the enemy of the population, which, otherwise, could be used against the Germans. Nevertheless, in the meager statistics that we have about them, both categories are, as a rule, combined. The seventh, and if in chronological terms, then the first, category consisted of civilian internees - that is, diplomats, employees of trade and other missions and delegations of the USSR, sailors, railway workers, etc., caught up in the outbreak of war in Germany and interned (as a rule, directly June 22, 1941) on its territory. Quantitatively, this category is insignificant.
Some of these people did not live to see victory (especially many of them among prisoners of war), the majority repatriated to their homeland, but many avoided repatriation and remained in the West, becoming the core of the so-called “Second Wave” of emigration from the USSR. The maximum quantitative estimate of this wave is approximately 500-700 thousand people, most of them came from Western Ukraine and the Baltic states (the participation of Jews in this emigration, for obvious reasons, was vanishingly small).
Initially fully concentrated in Europe, as part of a wider mass, many representatives of the second wave left the Old World during 1945-1951 and moved to Australia, South America, Canada, but especially the USA. The share of those who ultimately remained in Europe can only be roughly estimated, but in any case it is no more than a third or a quarter. Thus, in the second wave, compared to the first, the level of “Europeanness” is significantly lower.
In this regard, we can talk about approximately 5.45 million civilians who were in one way or another displaced from territory that belonged to the USSR before the war to territory that belonged or was controlled before the war by the Third Reich or its allies. Taking into account 3.25 million prisoners of war, the total number of Soviet citizens deported outside the USSR was about 8.7 million people.
According to one official estimate made by the Office of Repatriation based on incomplete data by January 1, 1952, there were still 451,561 Soviet citizens abroad.
If in 1946 more than 80% of defectors were located inside the western occupation zones in Germany and Austria, now they accounted for only about 23% of their number. Thus, in all six western zones of Germany and Austria there were 103.7 thousand people, while in England alone - 100.0; Australia - 50.3; Canada - 38.4; USA - 35.3; Sweden - 27.6; France - 19.7 and Belgium - 14.7 thousand “temporarily unrepatriated”. In this regard, the ethnic structure of defectors is very expressive. Most of them were Ukrainians - 144,934 people (or 32.1%), followed by three Baltic peoples - Latvians (109,214 people, or 24.2%), Lithuanians (63,401, or 14.0%) and Estonians (58,924). , or 13.0%). All of them, together with 9,856 Belarusians (2.2%), accounted for 85.5% of registered defectors. Actually, this is, with some rounding and exaggeration, the quota of “Westerners” (in Zemskov’s terminology) in the structure of this contingent. According to V.N. himself. Zemskova, “Westerners” made up 3/4, and “Easterners” only 1/4 of the number of defectors. But most likely the share of “Westerners” is even higher, especially if we assume that a sufficient number of Poles are included in the “others” category (33,528 people, or 7.4%). Among the defectors there are only 31,704 Russians, or 7.0%.
In light of this, the scale of Western estimates of the number of defectors, which are an order of magnitude lower than the Soviet ones and seem to be focused on the number of Russians by nationality in this environment, becomes clear. Thus, according to M. Proudfoot, about 35 thousand former Soviet citizens are officially registered as “remaining in the West”.
But be that as it may, Stalin’s fears were justified and tens and hundreds of thousands of former Soviet or sub-Soviet citizens, one way or another, by hook or by crook, avoided repatriation and nevertheless constituted the so-called “second emigration.”
3. Emigration and the Cold War (“third wave”)
The third wave (1948-1986) is, in fact, all the emigration of the Cold War period, so to speak, between late Stalin and early Gorbachev. Quantitatively, it fits into approximately half a million people, that is, it is close to the results of the “second wave.”
Qualitatively, it consists of two very different components: the first consists of not quite standard emigrants - forcibly expelled (“expelled”) and defectors, the second – “normal” emigrants, although “normality” for that time was a thing so specific and debilitating (with extortions on education, with accusatory meetings of labor and even school groups and other types of bullying), which did not fit well with real democratic norms.
Special and very specific immigrants were various kinds of defectors and defectors. “KGB wanted list” for 470 people, of which 201 are in Germany (including 120 in the American zone, 66 in the English zone, 5 in the French zone), 59 in Austria. Most of them settled in the USA - 107, in Germany - 88, in Canada - 42, in Sweden - 28, in England - 25, etc. Since 1965, “trials in absentia” of defectors have been replaced by “arrest decrees.”
Until the 1980s, Jews made up the majority, and more often than not, the decisive majority of emigrants from the USSR. At the first substage, which gave only 9% of the “third emigration,” the Jewish emigration, although in the lead, did not dominate (only a 2-fold advantage over the Armenian emigration and a very insignificant one over the German emigration). But at the most massive second substage (which gave 86% of Jewish emigration for the entire period), even with a friendly, almost 3-fold increase in German and Armenian emigration, Jewish emigration firmly dominated (with a share of 72%), and only at the third substage did it for the first time lost leadership to German emigration.
In some years (for example, in 1980), the number of Armenian emigrants was almost equal to that of German emigrants, and they were characterized by unofficial emigration (the channel of which, most likely, was non-return after a visit to relatives).
At the first substage, almost all Jews rushed to the “promised land” - Israel, of which about 14 thousand people did not directly, but through Poland. In the second, the picture changed: only 62.8% of Jewish emigrants went to Israel, the rest preferred the USA (33.5%) or other countries (primarily Canada and European countries). At the same time, the number of those who traveled directly with an American visa was relatively small (during 1972-1979 it never exceeded 1000 people). The majority left with an Israeli visa, but with the actual right to choose between Israel and the United States during a transit stop in Vienna: here the count was no longer hundreds, but thousands of human souls. It was then that many Soviet Jews settled in large European capitals, primarily in Vienna and Rome, which served as a kind of transit base for Jewish emigration in the 1970s and 1980s; later the flow was also directed through Budapest, Bucharest and other cities (but there were also many who, having arrived in Israel, moved from there to the USA).
It is interesting that at this stage Jews were distinguished by a very increased emigration activity - immigrants from Georgia and from the Baltic states annexed by the USSR, Western Ukraine and Northern Bukovina (mainly from cities - primarily Riga, Lvov, Chernivtsi, etc.), where - with the exception of Georgia - anti-Semitism was especially “honoured”. As a rule, these were deeply religious Jews, often with uninterrupted family ties in the West.
Since the late 1970s, purely Jewish emigration has split in two and almost equally, even with some advantage in favor of the United States, especially if we take into account those who moved there from Israel. The US championship lasted from 1978 to 1989, that is, in those years when the flow of Jewish emigrants itself was small or insignificant. But the huge backlog of people on the waiting list and refuseniks that had accumulated over previous years predetermined that, starting in 1990, when Israel accounted for 85% of Jewish emigration, it again and firmly leads.
At the same time, in general, the third wave can be considered the most ethnicized (there were simply no other mechanisms to leave except along Jewish, German or Armenian lines) and at the same time the least European of all of these: its leaders were alternately Israel and the United States. And only in the 1980s, when Jewish ethnic migration was overtaken by German migration, did a turn in its course towards “Europeanization” become apparent - a trend that manifested itself to an even greater extent in the “fourth wave” (specific also to the new - German - direction of Jewish emigration).
4. Emigration and perestroika (“Fourth Wave”)
The beginning of this period should be counted from the era of M.S. Gorbachev, but, however, not from his very first steps, but rather from the “second” ones, among which the most important were the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, the liberalization of the press and the rules of entry and exit into the country. The actual beginning (more precisely, the resumption) of Jewish emigration under Gorbachev dates back to April 1987, but statistically this was reflected with some delay. Let us repeat that this period, in essence, continues today, so its quantitative estimates need to be updated annually.
In any case, they turned out to be much more modest than those apocalyptic forecasts about the “ninth wave” of emigration from the former USSR allegedly rolling into Europe, with a capacity, according to various estimates, from 3 to 20 million people - an influx that the West, even purely economically, would not be able to bear withstand. In fact, nothing “terrible” happened in the West. Legal emigration from the USSR turned out to be well protected by the laws of all Western countries and is still limited to representatives of only a few nationalities, for whom - again, only in a few host countries - a certain legal and social infrastructure has been created.
We are talking primarily about ethnic Germans and Jews (to a lesser extent - about Greeks and Armenians, and to an even lesser extent, and most recently - about Poles and Koreans). In particular, Israel created legal guarantees for the immigration (repatriation) of Jews, and Germany - for the immigration of Germans and Jews living in the former territory. THE USSR.
Thus, according to the German Constitution and the Law on Expellees (Bundes vertriebenen gesetz), the Federal Republic of Germany undertook to accept for settlement and citizenship all persons of German nationality who were subjected to exile in the 40s. expulsion from their native lands and those living outside Germany. They came and come either in the status of “expelled” (Vertriebenen), or in the status of “settlers” or so-called “late migrants” (Aussiedler or Spätaussiedler) and almost immediately, upon the first application, they receive German citizenship.
In 1950, about 51 thousand Germans lived in Germany, born in the territory that was part of the USSR until 1939. This turned out to be important for the start of German immigration from the Soviet Union, since at its first stage the Soviet side was cooperative mainly in cases of family reunification. Actually, German emigration from the USSR to Germany began in 1951, when 1,721 ethnic Germans left for their homeland. On February 22, 1955, the Bundestag decided to recognize the German citizenship acquired during the war, which extended the “Law on Expellees” to all Germans living in Eastern Europe. By May 1956, the German embassy in Moscow had accumulated about 80 thousand applications from Soviet Germans to travel to Germany. In 1958-1959, the number of German emigrants amounted to 4-5.5 thousand people. For a long time, the record was set in 1976 (9,704 immigrants). In 1987, the 10,000th milestone “fell” (14,488 people), after which almost every year the bar rose to a new height (people): 1988 - 47,572; 1989 – 98,134; 1990 – 147,950; 1991 – 147,320; 1992 – 195,950; 1993 – 207,347 and 1994 – 213,214 people. In 1995, the bar remained stable (209,409 people), and in 1996 it moved down (172,181 people), which is explained not so much by the policy of recreating favorable conditions for Germans to live in Kazakhstan, Russia, etc., but by the tightening undertaken by the German government resettlement regulations, in particular, measures to attach settlers to the lands assigned to them (including the eastern ones, where about 20% now live), but especially the obligation to pass an exam on knowledge of the German language (Sprachtest) while still on the spot (at the exam, As a rule, at least 1/3 of those admitted to it “fail.”
Nevertheless, the 1990s became, in essence, the time of the most massive exodus of Russian Germans from the republics of the former USSR. In total, 1,549,490 Germans and members of their families moved from there to Germany in 1951-1996. According to some estimates, Germans “by passport” (that is, those who arrived on the basis of §4 of the “Law on Expellees”) make up approximately 4/5 of them: another 1/5 are their spouses, descendants and relatives (mainly Russians and Ukrainians ). By the beginning of 1997, according to the same estimates, less than 1/3 of the Germans who had previously lived there remained in Kazakhstan, 1/6 in Kyrgyzstan, and in Tajikistan the German contingent was practically exhausted.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it should be said that, despite the fact that the Russian Emigration has already made (and continues to make) a huge contribution to world culture and to the fight against the world evil - communism, but due to its position in the free world and, especially, due to Because this world does not understand the goal that emigration pursues, it does not have the opportunity to properly and adequately fight the enslavers of our Motherland, Russia.
Through the efforts of Russian emigrants abroad, an outstanding branch of our national culture was created, covering many areas of human activity (literature, art, science, philosophy, education) and enriching European and entire world civilization. Nationally unique values, ideas and discoveries have taken their rightful place in Western culture in general, in specific European and other countries where the talent of Russian emigrants was applied.
The contribution of Russian emigrant scientists to world culture is also evidenced by the following fact: three of them were awarded Nobel Prizes: I.R. Prigozhin in 1977. in chemistry; S.S. Kuznets in 1971 and V.V. Leontiev in 1973. in economics.
The main attention of Russian thinkers in the initial years in emigration was paid to understanding the phenomenon of the Russian revolution and its influence on the historical fate of Russia. Most of them recognized the historical inevitability of the revolutionary explosion of the people. But they could not change themselves, or rather their social class commitment, and therefore were categorically against the theoretical and moral justification of the revolution as a way to solve social problems.
And we must also emphasize: the main thing for both this part of the scientists and the entire white emigration was political opposition to Soviet power. It was for the deployment of anti-Soviet activities that many received financial support from foreigners. It is no coincidence that V.V. After visiting Paris, Mayakovsky came to the conclusion that here is “the most malicious ideological emigration.”
Thus, despite all the scale and enormous merits of emigrant culture, it did not determine the subsequent development and future of Russia and its people in the difficult years of the twentieth century. An objective, unbiased look at this complex, multidimensional process cannot but ultimately lead to the most important conclusion: in addition to the “split off”, “breakaway” emigrant culture, a “main” branch, the cultural core itself, the bearer of which was the main historical subject, was preserved in Russia - the Russian people and its integral part - the intelligentsia, most of whom remained in their homeland.
Bibliography
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3. Popov A.V. Russian abroad and archives. Documents of Russian emigration in the archives of Moscow. Publishing house "M.: Historical and Archival Institute of the Russian State University for the Humanities", 1998, 392 p.
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Application
War communism- the name of the internal policy of the Soviet state, carried out in 1918-1921 during the Civil War. The main goal was to provide cities and the Red Army with weapons, food and other necessary resources in conditions when all normal economic mechanisms and relations were destroyed by the war. The decision to end war communism was made on March 21, 1921 at the X Congress of the RCP (b) and the NEP was introduced.
Cold War- a global geopolitical, economic and ideological confrontation between the Soviet Union and its allies, on the one hand, and the United States and its allies, on the other, which lasted from the mid-1940s to the early 1990s.
Dictatorship of the proletariat- the conquest by the proletariat of such political power that will allow it to suppress any resistance of the exploiters. The term "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" appeared in the mid-19th century to designate a political regime designed to express the interests of the working class. The first known use of the term is in Karl Marx's The Class Struggle in France, 1848 to 1850. (written in January - March 1850.
Cult of personality- exaltation of an individual (usually a statesman) by means of propaganda, in works of culture, government documents, laws.
Term "stagnation" originates from the political report of the Central Committee of the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, read by M. S. Gorbachev, in which it was stated that “stagnation began to appear in the life of society” in both the economic and social spheres. Most often, this term denotes the period from L.I. Brezhnev’s coming to power (mid-1960s) to the beginning of perestroika (mid-1980s), marked by the absence of any serious upheavals in the political life of the country, as well as social stability and relatively high standard of living (as opposed to the era of the 1920s-1950s).
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
IN AND. Lenin (Ulyanov) was born on April 22, 1870 on the banks of the Volga in the city of Simbirsk, now Ulyanovsk. In 1887, Lenin graduated from the Siberian gymnasium with a gold medal and then entered the law faculty of Kazan University. In December, Vladimir Ilyich was expelled from this educational institution for active participation in student unrest. After his arrest, Lenin was exiled to the village of Kukushkino, Kazan province. A year later, Vladimir Ilyich received permission to return to the city, but access to the university was closed to the young revolutionary.
In the winter of 1888-89 in Kazan, Lenin entered a revolutionary illegal circle and began to study Karl Marx’s “Capital”. Soon Vladimir Ilyich moved to Samara. Here Lenin lived for four and a half years, continuing to study the works of Marx and Engels, as well as getting acquainted with the works of Plekhanov and Kautsky. Vladimir Ilyich carefully studied the experience of the labor movement in the West, the conditions for the economic development of Russia and the situation of the Russian proletariat and peasantry.
Having received, after much petitioning, permission to take state exams as an external student at St. Petersburg University, Lenin passed them brilliantly in 1891 and the following spring received the title of assistant sworn attorney in Samara. He was almost not involved in legal practice, only occasionally appearing in the Samara court as assigned. By this time, Lenin had already fully formed himself as a Marxist-revolutionary, and had defined the tasks of his entire life. In Samara, he organized the first Marxist circle, established contacts with Marxists in other cities, gave abstracts where he covered issues of the economic development of Russia from the point of view of Marxism, criticizing the petty-bourgeois theories of the populists. These abstracts constituted Lenin's first scientific works. Already in those years, he amazed everyone around him with the depth and versatility of his knowledge, revolutionary intransigence and consistency of beliefs.
In September 1893, he moved to St. Petersburg to conduct revolutionary work. Here Lenin joined the Marxist group of Krasin, Krzhizhanovsky, Radchenko, who carried out propaganda in workers' circles. Almost immediately Lenin headed this organization. From the very beginning of their activities in the capital, Vladimir Ilyich aimed Russian Marxists at forming a revolutionary labor movement and a Marxist proletarian party.
In the summer of 1894, Lenin completed his brilliant work “What are the friends of the people and how do they fight against the Social Democrats?” In this book, the author subjected the entire system of views of the Narodniks to scathing criticism and with amazing clarity predetermined the historical path of the working class of Russia.
Already in the nineties of the nineteenth century, Lenin acted as the only completely consistent successor and continuer of the work of Marx and Engels, independently developing and developing their teaching.
In the spring of 1895, Lenin went abroad to establish contact with the Emancipation of Labor group to ensure the shipment of illegal Marxist literature to Russia. In Switzerland, Vladimir Ilyich met with the Russian Marxist Plekhanov. Soon differences emerged between them on the role of the proletariat (working class) in the upcoming revolutions, as well as on views on the liberal bourgeoisie.
In Paris, Lenin met the German Social Democrat Wilhelm Liebknecht. Soon Vladimir Ilyich returned to St. Petersburg, having previously visited Vilna, Moscow, and Orekhovo-Zuyevo to establish contact with local Social Democrats. In the capital, under his leadership, the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class” arose. This organization led many strikes of workers in St. Petersburg. Lenin himself visited workers' neighborhoods almost every day, writing leaflets and appeals to the workers. He published a brochure on fines, which is very popular among proletarians. Prepared articles for the newspaper Rabocheye Delo. But in December 1895, Lenin was arrested by the police. But even from prison he continued to lead the Union of Struggle. I wrote leaflets for him, compiled and sent out a draft program for the workers’ party. I began working on preparing a large study on “the development of capitalism in Russia.”
In 1897, Vladimir Ilyich was sent into exile in the Siberian village of Shushenskoye. Here Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya became Lenin’s wife and first assistant in his revolutionary activities. During this period, Vladimir Ilyich was intensively studying the history of Russia and the development of Marxism in its philosophical issues. While in exile, Lenin completed his work “The Development of Capitalism in Russia.” This book provided an economic justification for the primacy of the proletariat in the revolution and its alliance with the peasantry. There, in Shushenskoye, Lenin developed a plan for creating a single militant party. To do this, according to Lenin, it was necessary to create “an all-Russian political newspaper as a center for gathering party forces, organize persistent party cadres locally as “regular units” of the party, gather these cadres together through the newspaper and unite them into an all-Russian militant party with sharply defined boundaries , with a clear program, firm tactics, united will” (I.V. Stalin).
In 1900, his period of exile ended, and Lenin went abroad to establish an all-Russian Marxist revolutionary proletarian newspaper. Soon Iskra began to be published first in Munich and then in London. On the pages of this newspaper, Lenin fought against “economism,” bourgeois liberalism, populism and the petty-bourgeois Socialist Revolutionary Party, which negatively influenced the revolutionary peasantry. Lenin simply and clearly explained to the peasants that only under the leadership of the proletarians - the workers - could the working poor of the village emerge from poverty. Vladimir Ilyich fought against the opportunists Plekhanov, Axelrod and others.
While in England, Lenin achieved the convening of the second congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. It took place in the summer of 1903. At the congress, when discussing the first paragraph of the statutes of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, a split occurred, which was consolidated in the struggle over the composition of the governing bodies. Having rallied around himself strong and consistent Marxist revolutionaries, Lenin achieved victory over the opportunists led by Martov, Axelrod, and Trotsky. The Second Congress of the RSDLP was marked by the establishment of Bolshevism as an independent political movement.
While the first Russian revolution was gaining momentum, in April 1905, Lenin left Geneva for London to participate in the Third Congress of the RSDLP. As a result, Vladimir Ilyich developed the idea of developing a bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one. After the victory of the October general strike, Lenin came to St. Petersburg. Here he lived semi-legally, devoting most of his time to work in the Bolshevik newspaper Novaya Zhizn, through which he spoke openly with the working masses. Lenin attended meetings of the St. Petersburg Council of Workers' Deputies and, studying the new form of the labor movement, identified the councils as organs of uprising and the embryonic structures of a new government.
Focusing on the new rise of the revolution, Vladimir Ilyich defended the tactics of boycotting the elections to the First State Duma and exposed constitutional illusions. At the fifth congress of the RSDLP, the Bolsheviks again won an ideological victory over the opportunists - the Mensheviks. Lenin was elected to the party's Central Committee.
The first Russian revolution was strangled by tsarism. For the Bolsheviks, the period from 1908 to 1911 was difficult. Many, cowardly, left the party. But Lenin did not give up. Pointing out the unresolved problems posed by the revolution of 1905-1907, Vladimir Ilyich defined the general task of the party in the ebb of the revolution: to learn the correct retreat, accumulate and prepare forces for a new decisive onslaught. Lenin brought to the fore the struggle to preserve and strengthen the illegal organization of the party while simultaneously using all legal and semi-legal opportunities. During these difficult years, Stalin remained Lenin's firmest and most unshakable comrade-in-arms and with all determination opposed despondency and hesitation, against intellectual phrase-mongering and outright betrayal of the ideals of the revolution.
In the summer of 1911, near Paris, Lenin founded a party school for workers, where he lectured on the main issues of party theory and policy.
In January of the following year, an all-Russian party conference met. At this forum, the Bolsheviks finally formed into an independent party. Their paths with the Mensheviks never crossed again.
After the conference in St. Petersburg, the Bolshevik newspaper Pravda began to appear. Stalin supervised its creation and then editing. Lenin wrote to Pravda almost every day. He gave instructions to the editors on how to run the newspaper, monitored how it was distributed, and carefully counted the number of work correspondence and donations for this Bolshevik publication. Lenin led the editorial office of Pravda from abroad, from Krakow. The newspaper helped to attract many class-conscious workers to the side of Bolshevism.
During the First World War, Lenin developed the slogan of turning the imperialist war into a civil war. Vladimir Ilyich advocated the defeat of the tsarist monarchy. He called on the workers of all the warring countries to unite against the bourgeoisie. Lenin held high the banner of proletarian internationalism. Bukharin, Pyatakov, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Shlyapnikov, Radek opposed Lenin's policy on this issue.
In 1915, Vladimir Ilyich theoretically substantiated the possibility of the victory of socialism in one single country.
The February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917 found Lenin in Switzerland. On March 26, Vladimir Ilyich left for Stockholm, and from there through Finland to Petrograd. From the very first day of his arrival in Russia, Lenin waged a campaign to explain Bolshevik slogans and prepare for the Great Proletarian Revolution, which, according to his thoughts, would be “100 times stronger than the February one.” During this period, Vladimir Ilyich led the work of the Central Committee, edited Pravda, directed the work of the Petrograd Committee and the entire mass movement of the capital’s proletariat. In addition, he spoke at rallies, work meetings, and in soldiers' barracks. The number of supporters of Bolshevism grew rapidly. In Lenin the masses saw their true leader, the deliverer from war, famine and extinction. In July, Lenin fully approved the directive of the Central Committee to give the spontaneously arising movement the most organized and peaceful character possible. During these days, the Provisional Government ordered the arrest of Lenin. He had to go underground, as in tsarist times. Stalin organized Lenin's departure from Petrograd. During this period, Vladimir Ilyich continued to lead the party and the Pravda newspaper. Stalin was Lenin's right hand and the direct implementer of his directives. While in hiding, Lenin finished his book State and Revolution. In this work, Vladimir Ilyich subjected a devastating critique to bourgeois democracy and elaborated in detail the task of a violent revolution of the proletariat, which is to smash, destroy the state machine and create in its place a proletarian Soviet state, which will be a real democracy for the working people, an instrument of suppression of the bourgeoisie.
At the beginning of autumn, Lenin set the party the task of overthrowing the bourgeois system through an armed uprising. On October 10 (23), 1917, Vladimir Ilyich chaired a meeting of the Central Committee, at which he made a report on the armed uprising. Only the traitors Zinoviev and Kamenev opposed Lenin. On October 16, at the suggestion of Vladimir Ilyich, a military-revolutionary center was organized, headed by Stalin, for the practical leadership of the uprising. On October 24, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party gave the signal for an uprising. Lenin in Smolny led the armed operations of proletarian detachments against the troops of the provisional government. On the night of October 24-25, the Great October Socialist Revolution took place. Power ended up in the hands of the Russian proletariat, led by the Bolsheviks.
At the Second Congress of Soviets, a workers' and peasants' government was created - the Council of People's Commissars. Lenin was elected its chairman. These days, Vladimir Ilyich gave a crushing rebuff to the traitors to the party - Kamenev, Zinoviev. Rykov, Shlyapnikov, who insisted on abandoning the dictatorship of the proletariat and on creating a coalition government together with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries.
In January 1918, the first attempt was made on Lenin. The counter-revolutionaries fired at the car in which Vladimir Ilyich and his sister Maria Ilyinichna were traveling. Thanks to an accident, Lenin remained unharmed.
In March 1918, at the suggestion of Lenin, the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty was signed. Thanks to this, Russia emerged from the imperialist carnage. The main support for Lenin in the struggle to get out of the war was Stalin. Lenin did not make a single decision on issues of war and peace without consulting Stalin.
Vladimir Ilyich spoke very often at workers’ rallies and meetings (sometimes four times a day). The counter-revolutionaries followed on his heels. On August 30, 1918, at the Mikhelson plant, where Lenin spoke to the workers, he was shot several times by the Socialist Revolutionary Kaplan. The leader's life was in danger. But Lenin’s powerful body, which was not burdened by smoking or drinking alcohol, overcame the disease, and already on September 17, Vladimir Ilyich presided over a meeting of the Council of People’s Commissars.
As it turned out later, Trotsky and Bukharin played an active role in the assassination attempt on Lenin.
In March 1919, Lenin led the meetings of the founding congress of the Communist International, where communists from many countries of Europe, Asia and America participated.
At this time, a civil war was raging in the country. Russian White Guard counter-revolutionaries, together with the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and other bourgeois parties, opposed Soviet power. In addition, these reactionary forces were helped by American, British, French, and Japanese troops. Together with the White Guards, foreign armies waged war against the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army. Due to the criminally bad work of the Revolutionary Military Council, headed by Trotsky, Lenin was forced to deal with literally everything, down to the smallest detail, and at the same time correct the grossest unforgivable mistakes in the leadership of the army. Stalin helped Lenin very effectively in organizing the defense of the Soviet Republic. Lenin sent him as his representative to the most dangerous sectors of the front. And I didn’t miscalculate. Stalin never let Lenin down in leading the Red Army.
Lenin did not tolerate sloppiness or irresponsibility. He demanded accurate and definite reports on all problems of socialist construction. Despite his enormous workload, Vladimir Ilyich always found time to take care of his comrades, and was unusually sensitive, attentive, and responsive. He made a charming impression with his simplicity and truly comradely attitude towards party members, workers, and peasants. Lenin was modest in everyday life and did not allow himself any excesses that could have been provided to him thanks to his leadership activities.
The hard work made itself felt at the end of 1921, when Vladimir Ilyich developed symptoms of a serious illness. It was necessary to look for a successor.
After the XI Congress of the RCP (b), Lenin proposed electing Stalin to the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee, and the plenum of the Central Committee unanimously approved this candidacy. Forced to retire from work due to illness, Lenin promoted his best student and closest ally to a leadership position in the party.
On May 26, 1922, the first acute attack of Lenin's disease (vascular sclerosis) occurred. At the beginning of October, Lenin returned to work. In the last months of the year, at the direction of Vladimir Ilyich, the party prepared the conditions for the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
On December 16, Lenin suffered a second blow with paralysis of the right half of his body. On January 21, 1924, Vladimir Ilyich died.
Khrushchev Nikita Sergeevich
Born in 1894 in the village of Kalinovka, Kursk province, he began his working life early. From the age of twelve he already worked in factories and mines in Donbass. He often and, it seems, recalled not without pleasure about his working youth and his plumbing trade. In 1918, Khrushchev was accepted into the Bolshevik Party. He takes part in the civil war, and after its end he is engaged in economic and party work. He was a delegate from Ukraine at the XIV and XV Congresses of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). In 1929 he entered the Industrial Academy in Moscow, where he was elected secretary of the party committee. From January 1931, he was secretary of the Baumansky and then Krasnopresnensky district party committees; in 1932-1934 he worked first as second and then first secretary of the Moscow City Committee and second secretary of the Moscow Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. At the XVII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), in 1934, Khrushchev was elected a member of the Central Committee, and since 1935 he has headed the Moscow city and regional party organizations. In 1938, he became the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Ukraine and a candidate member of the Politburo, and a year later, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (b).
During the Patriotic War, Khrushchev was a member of the military councils of the South-Western direction, South-Western, Stalingrad, Southern, Voronezh and 1st Ukrainian fronts. He ended the war with the rank of lieutenant general. From 1944 to 1947 he worked as Chairman of the Council of Ministers (SNK) of the Ukrainian SSR, then again elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine (Bolsheviks).
Since December 1949, he was again the first secretary of the Moscow regional and secretary of the central committees of the party. In March 1953, after Stalin's death, he focused entirely on work in the Central Committee, and in September 1953 he was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee. Since 1958 - Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. He held these posts until October 14, 1964. The October Plenum (1964) relieved Khrushchev from party and government posts “for health reasons.” He was a personal pensioner of union significance. Died September 11, 1971.
The first wave of Russian emigration was a phenomenon resulting from the Civil War, which began in 1917 and lasted almost six years. Nobles, military men, factory owners, intellectuals, clergy and government officials left their homeland. More than two million people left Russia in the period 1917-1922.
Reasons for the first wave of Russian emigration
People leave their homeland for economic, political, social reasons. Migration is a process that has occurred to varying degrees throughout history. But it is characteristic primarily of the era of wars and revolutions.
The first wave of Russian emigration is a phenomenon that has no analogue in world history. The ships were overcrowded. People were ready to endure unbearable conditions in order to leave the country in which the Bolsheviks had won.
After the revolution, members of noble families were subjected to repression. Those who did not manage to escape abroad died. There were, of course, exceptions, for example, Alexei Tolstoy, who managed to adapt to the new regime. The nobles who did not have time or did not want to leave Russia changed their names and went into hiding. Some managed to live under a false name for many years. Others, having been exposed, ended up in Stalin's camps.
Since 1917, writers, entrepreneurs, and artists left Russia. There is an opinion that European art of the 20th century is unthinkable without Russian emigrants. The fate of people cut off from their native land was tragic. Among the representatives of the first wave of Russian emigration there were many world-famous writers, poets, and scientists. But recognition does not always bring happiness.
What was the reason for the first wave of Russian emigration? A new government that showed sympathy for the proletariat and hated the intelligentsia.
Among the representatives of the first wave of Russian emigration are not only creative people, but also entrepreneurs who managed to make fortunes with their own labor. Among the factory owners there were those who at first rejoiced at the revolution. But not for long. They soon realized that they had no place in the new state. Factories, enterprises, plants were nationalized in Soviet Russia.
During the era of the first wave of Russian emigration, the fate of ordinary people was of little interest to anyone. The new government was not worried about the so-called brain drain. The people who found themselves at the helm believed that in order to create something new, everything old should be destroyed. The Soviet state did not need talented writers, poets, artists, or musicians. New masters of words have appeared, ready to convey new ideals to the people.
Let us consider in more detail the reasons and features of the first wave of Russian emigration. The short biographies presented below will create a complete picture of a phenomenon that had dire consequences both for the fate of individuals and for the entire country.
Famous emigrants
Russian writers of the first wave of emigration - Vladimir Nabokov, Ivan Bunin, Ivan Shmelev, Leonid Andreev, Arkady Averchenko, Alexander Kuprin, Sasha Cherny, Teffi, Nina Berberova, Vladislav Khodasevich. The works of many of them are permeated with nostalgia.
After the Revolution, such outstanding artists as Fyodor Chaliapin, Sergei Rachmaninov, Wassily Kandinsky, Igor Stravinsky, and Marc Chagall left their homeland. Representatives of the first wave of Russian emigration are also aircraft designer engineer Vladimir Zvorykin, chemist Vladimir Ipatyev, hydraulic scientist Nikolai Fedorov.
Ivan Bunin
When it comes to Russian writers of the first wave of emigration, his name is remembered first. Ivan Bunin met the October events in Moscow. Until 1920, he kept a diary, which he later published under the title “Cursed Days.” The writer did not accept Soviet power. In relation to revolutionary events, Bunin is often contrasted with Blok. In his autobiographical work, the last Russian classic, and this is what the author of “Cursed Days” is called, argued with the creator of the poem “The Twelve.” Critic Igor Sukhikh said: “If Blok heard the music of revolution in the events of 1917, then Bunin heard the cacophony of rebellion.”
Before emigrating, the writer lived for some time with his wife in Odessa. In January 1920, they boarded the ship Sparta, which was heading to Constantinople. In March, Bunin was already in Paris - in the city in which many representatives of the first wave of Russian emigration spent their last years.
The writer's fate cannot be called tragic. He worked a lot in Paris, and it was here that he wrote the work for which he received the Nobel Prize. But Bunin's most famous cycle - "Dark Alleys" - is permeated with longing for Russia. Nevertheless, he did not accept the offer to return to their homeland, which many Russian emigrants received after World War II. The last Russian classic died in 1953.
Ivan Shmelev
Not all representatives of the intelligentsia heard the “cacophony of rebellion” during the October events. Many perceived the revolution as a victory of justice and goodness. At first he was happy about the October events and, however, he quickly became disillusioned with those who were in power. And in 1920, an event occurred after which the writer could no longer believe in the ideals of the revolution. Shmelev's only son, an officer in the tsarist army, was shot by the Bolsheviks.
In 1922, the writer and his wife left Russia. By that time, Bunin was already in Paris and in correspondence more than once promised to help him. Shmelev spent several months in Berlin, then went to France, where he spent the rest of his life.
One of the greatest Russian writers spent his last years in poverty. He died at the age of 77. He was buried, like Bunin, in Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois. Famous writers and poets - Dmitry Merezhkovsky, Zinaida Gippius, Teffi - found their final resting place in this Parisian cemetery.
Leonid Andreev
This writer initially accepted the revolution, but later changed his views. Andreev's latest works are imbued with hatred of the Bolsheviks. He found himself in exile after the separation of Finland from Russia. But he did not live abroad for long. In 1919, Leonid Andreev died of a heart attack.
The writer's grave is located in St. Petersburg, at the Volkovskoye cemetery. Andreev's ashes were reburied thirty years after his death.
Vladimir Nabokov
The writer came from a wealthy aristocratic family. In 1919, shortly before the seizure of Crimea by the Bolsheviks, Nabokov left Russia forever. They managed to bring out part of what saved them from poverty and hunger, to which many Russian emigrants were doomed.
Vladimir Nabokov graduated from Cambridge University. In 1922 he moved to Berlin, where he earned his living by teaching English. Sometimes he published his stories in local newspapers. Among Nabokov's heroes there are many Russian emigrants ("The Defense of Luzhin", "Mashenka").
In 1925, Nabokov married a girl from a Jewish-Russian family. She worked as an editor. In 1936 she was fired - an anti-Semitic campaign began. The Nabokovs went to France, settled in the capital, and often visited Menton and Cannes. In 1940, they managed to escape from Paris, which a few weeks after their departure was occupied by German troops. On the liner Champlain, Russian emigrants reached the shores of the New World.
Nabokov lectured in the United States. He wrote in both Russian and English. In 1960 he returned to Europe and settled in Switzerland. The Russian writer died in 1977. Vladimir Nabokov's grave is located in the Clarens cemetery, located in Montreux.
Alexander Kuprin
After the end of the Great Patriotic War, a wave of re-emigration began. Those who left Russia in the early twenties were promised Soviet passports, jobs, housing and other benefits. However, many emigrants who returned to their homeland became victims of Stalinist repression. Kuprin returned before the war. Fortunately, he did not suffer the fate of most of the first wave of emigrants.
Alexander Kuprin left immediately after the October Revolution. In France, at first I was mainly engaged in translations. He returned to Russia in 1937. Kuprin was known in Europe, the Soviet authorities could not do with him as they did with most of them. However, the writer, being by that time a sick and old man, became a tool in the hands of propagandists. They made him into the image of a repentant writer who returned to glorify a happy Soviet life.
Alexander Kuprin died in 1938 from cancer. He was buried at the Volkovsky cemetery.
Arkady Averchenko
Before the revolution, the writer’s life was going well. He was the editor-in-chief of a humor magazine, which was extremely popular. But in 1918 everything changed dramatically. The publishing house was closed. Averchenko took a negative position towards the new government. With difficulty he managed to get to Sevastopol - the city in which he was born and spent his early years. The writer sailed to Constantinople on one of the last ships a few days before Crimea was taken by the Reds.
At first Averchenko lived in Sofia, then in Belgorod. In 1922 he left for Prague. It was difficult for him to live away from Russia. Most of the works written in exile are permeated with the melancholy of a person forced to live far from his homeland and only occasionally hear his native speech. However, it quickly gained popularity in the Czech Republic.
In 1925, Arkady Averchenko fell ill. He spent several weeks in the Prague City Hospital. Died March 12, 1925.
Teffi
The Russian writer of the first wave of emigration left her homeland in 1919. In Novorossiysk she boarded a ship that was heading to Turkey. From there I got to Paris. Nadezhda Lokhvitskaya (this is the real name of the writer and poetess) lived in Germany for three years. She published abroad and already organized a literary salon in 1920. Teffi died in 1952 in Paris.
Nina Berberova
In 1922, together with her husband, poet Vladislav Khodasevich, the writer left Soviet Russia for Germany. Here they spent three months. They lived in Czechoslovakia, Italy and, from 1925, in Paris. Berberova was published in the emigrant publication "Russian Thought". In 1932, the writer divorced Khodasevich. After 18 years she left for the USA. She lived in New York, where she published the almanac "Commonwealth". Since 1958, Berberova taught at Yale University. She died in 1993.
Sasha Cherny
The real name of the poet, one of the representatives of the Silver Age, is Alexander Glikberg. He emigrated in 1920. Lived in Lithuania, Rome, Berlin. In 1924, Sasha Cherny left for France, where he spent his last years. He had a house in the town of La Favière, where Russian artists, writers, and musicians often gathered. Sasha Cherny died of a heart attack in 1932.
Fyodor Chaliapin
The famous opera singer left Russia, one might say, not of his own free will. In 1922, he was on tour, which, as it seemed to the authorities, was delayed. Long performances in Europe and the United States aroused suspicion. Vladimir Mayakovsky immediately reacted by writing an angry poem, which included the following words: “I’ll be the first to shout - go back!”
In 1927, the singer donated proceeds from one of his concerts to the children of Russian emigrants. In Soviet Russia this was perceived as support for the White Guards. In August 1927, Chaliapin was deprived of Soviet citizenship.
While in exile, he performed a lot, even starred in a film. But in 1937 he was diagnosed with leukemia. On April 12 of the same year, the famous Russian opera singer died. He was buried in the Batignolles cemetery in Paris.
Civil War is an organized armed struggle between classes and social groups within one country for state power. The civil war in Russia is an extremely complex phenomenon. It covered the entire country and was total in nature.
The causes of the Russian Civil War were:
1. The clash of property and material interests of various social strata, aggravated to the extreme by the redistribution of enormous wealth from one hand to another as a result of revolutionary transformations. The majority of peasants, workers, and other poorer strata benefited financially from the revolution. The landowners, capitalists, and part of the intelligentsia lost. They feared for their fate and tried to determine their place in the new life of the urban middle strata, part of the intelligentsia, the Cossacks, and other groups. Quite often, ideological preferences, difficult personal circumstances and other factors turned out to be no less significant than obvious material interests. The line of barricades that divided society in the civil war often passed through families and broke family ties.
All political parties in Russia are to one degree or another to blame for the outbreak of the civil war. Each of them advocated for the salvation of Russia, but achieved this goal through an uncompromising struggle with their political opponents. The escalation of violence gradually drew both the Bolsheviks and their opponents into terror.
2. Intervention of foreign states ( intervention) into the internal struggle in Russia on the side of the anti-Bolshevik, white movement. Western powers feared the spread of communist ideas (the “red plague”) in their countries and world socialist revolution. Western politicians hoped to repay the debts of the Tsarist and Provisional governments, which the Soviet government refused to pay to creditor states. An important task was to weaken Russia in general, to exclude it from the number of strong, influential states.
The Entente countries did not like the conclusion by the Bolsheviks of the separate Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty with Germany on March 3, 1918 and Russia’s withdrawal from World War I. The “obscene” world, humiliating for Russians, offended the patriotic feelings of broad sections of the Russian population, especially the officers and intelligentsia. On March 6, 1918, the Entente began an open military intervention relatively small forces. But the intervention that began rallied the forces of the Bolsheviks’ opponents and raised their morale. It was after the conclusion of peace with Germany that they began to actively form White Guard volunteer armies. Short-term, local armed uprisings against Soviet power gave way to the formation of permanent fronts using regular, well-armed armies. There is no doubt that without foreign participation and assistance white movement could not have started and waged such a long struggle. If the initial goal of the military intervention of the Entente was to bring to power in Russia a government capable of continuing the war with Germany, then subsequently the main goal became the division of the Russian state into spheres of influence, its maximum weakening. The civil war thus acquired a national scale; its goal was not only the struggle for power, but also the liberation of the country from interventionists.
3. The harsh actions of the Soviet government, the desire to carry out revolutionary changes in the shortest possible time led to mistakes, significant losses, and raised doubts about the ability of the Bolsheviks to conduct expedient government. In Petrograd in March-August 1918, about 300 people were shot. The outbreak of the civil war was certainly facilitated by the artificial incitement of the class struggle in the countryside, the creation of the Pobedy Committees, the forcible confiscation of grain (requisition), and repressions against the Cossacks (decossackization). Under the slogan of defense and a new convocation of the Constituent Assembly, the Mensheviks, right-wing Socialist Revolutionaries, and other political forces entered the fight against the Bolsheviks.
4. Of great importance in expanding the scope of the Civil War was the uncompromising struggle for national self-determination of national political organizations. This struggle led to the actual collapse of the state-political system of the Russian state and had a significant impact on the outcome of the Civil War.
42. The first wave of Russian emigration: centers, ideology, political activity, leaders.
The first wave of Russian emigration: centers, ideology, political activity, leaders.
In the 20th century, dramatic and very serious changes took place in our country, to which not all Russians were able to adapt. For decades, many Russians lived in difficult material and living conditions. Not everyone was satisfied with the authorities’ promises of a good life that was about to come. “Fish looks for where it’s deeper, and people look for where it’s better,” this is how people formulated the reason for the “wanderlust” that many residents of the country discovered.
Emigration(from Latin emigro - moving out) is the departure of citizens from their country to another country for permanent residence (or for a more or less long period) for political, economic and other reasons.
It is customary to talk about four waves of emigration: after the 1917 revolution and the civil war; during and after the Great Patriotic War and the Second World War; in the late 60s - 70s; in the last decade of the 20th and the first decade of the 21st centuries.
But you need to know that the first and fairly large emigration flow took place in pre-revolutionary Russia.
In 1906-1910, 950,284 Russian residents left Russia for the United States. In terms of the number of people resettled, Russia ranked third among other countries after Italy and Austria-Hungary. Among those leaving for America, the majority were Jews (44.1%), Poles (27.2%), Lithuanians, Finns, Germans, and only 4.7% of those leaving were Russians.
Many Russians left the country after 1917, during and as a result of the civil war. The 2 million emigrants of this “wave” are most often cited. It was named by the famous writer I. A. Bunin in his lecture on the spiritual mission of the Russian emigration. According to documentary data from the Russian Foreign Archive in Prague, the total number of people who left Russia in those years did not exceed 700 thousand people, including those who emigrated to China. After the Second World War, out of the millions of people driven away from the USSR, there were 120-140 thousand people in camps for displaced persons, where Soviet citizens who did not want to return to their homeland were kept.
Russian diasporas formed in Western European (Germany, France), Slavic (Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia), border (Poland, Finland, Romania, Baltic states) countries, and also appeared in the USA, Canada and Australia, Latin America, and China. Russian emigrants had to adapt to life in countries that differed in their economic situation, religious characteristics, political regimes, and cultural traditions. The official policy pursued towards national minorities in general and Russian refugees in particular was also different.
By the mid-20s, more than 500 thousand Russian emigrants lived in Germany, 400-450 thousand in France, about 100 thousand in Poland, more than 30 thousand in Yugoslavia, 30-35 thousand in Bulgaria, in Czechoslovakia - more than 22 thousand. In the Far East, in the exclusion zone of the Chinese Eastern Railway there were up to 400 thousand Russians, 200 thousand of whom lived in Harbin.
In the first years after leaving Russia, many emigrants thought that the Bolsheviks would not last long and that they would be able to return to their homeland. Emigrant organizations operated abroad, trying to undermine Soviet power from within or organize a new intervention. Some repented and returned home before the end of the 20s. The transformation of the USSR into a powerful power, the victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945, and the preservation of a strict political regime in the post-war USSR accelerated the process of sociocultural adaptation of Russian emigrants. Their children and grandchildren already felt not so much Russian as Americans, Canadians, Germans, French, etc. After the Communist victory over the Chiang Kai-shekists in China, new emigration of Russians to Australia, North America or Japan followed.
The Russian emigration did not represent a single whole. But adherence to Orthodoxy, the Russian language and Russian culture played an important role in maintaining a spiritual connection with Russia. Many people abroad became acquainted with Russia through emigrants. Emigration has become a unique historical phenomenon. It connected old and new Russia, Russia and Europe, and other regions. Many Russian emigrants were true patriots of Russia and tried to be useful to it.